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For Trump's allies, this is a measure Of strategic brilliance, not defective character. "He understands hOW tO make something an issue and elevate the discussion by saying things that are contrary, perhaps even unproved," explains Roger Stone, a former adviser tO Trump, wh0 has his own penchant for spreading false conspiracy theories. "He has the ability t0 change the subject t0 what he wants t0 talk about. ” The night before his wiretap maneuver had been a trying one for Trump 's young White Hous e , according tO aides. lt was a Friday, and the President was frustrated that his widely praised address t0 Congress on Tuesday had been overtaken by darker news. Revelations Of previously denied contacts between Attorney General Jeff Sessions and a Russian offcial had led Sessions to recuse himself from any probe 0fRussian election interference. The LexisNexis database registered 509 stories or news transcripts referring tO some aspect Ofthe story. Aides later said Trump latched on tO an online article by a conservative talk-show hOSt, whO assembled previously published media reports int0 a speculative indictment ofObama. Whether Trump was persuaded by the theory or simply looking for something explosive t0 change the story line, he knew he had found dynamite. "There is one page in the Trump White House crisis-management playbook,: ” argued Obama's former White House spokesman JOSh Earnest two days later. "And that is simply tO tweet or say something outrageous to distract from a scandal. ” lt worked. His tweet replaced the Russian story at the top Of the news, generating 514 stories that Sunday. Trump is by no means the first tO use diversion and distortion as a political weapon. During the 2016 Brexit debate in Great Britain, critics Of the E. U. exaggerated the cost Of E. U. membership t0 average Britons by roughly 100 %. The ensuing argument over the correct amount served tO focus resentment that citizens were paymg anything at all. Democrats have been caught playing the game. Former Senate leader Harry Reid floated the false claim that Mitt Romney did not pay taxes, without any evidence. And in both the 2008 and 2012 campaigns, the Obama campaign suggested that Republican nominees J0hn McCain and Mitt Romney opposed abortion even in cases Ofrape and incest. They did not, but the misdirection tilted the abortion debate toward an issue favorable tO most l)emocrats. Trump tOOk this occasional tOOl and made it a favorite weapon. "The President has a history Of being a negotiator; ” explains Christopher Ruddy, a longtime friend Of Trump's, WhO continues tO meet with him ⅲ Florida. "lf I look back, I think he is always ⅲ a state 0f negotiation with everybody, all the time. He takes an exaggerated position tO create 26 TIME Apri13, 2017 'He has the ability t0 change the s 収 ect tO what he wants 亡 0 t about.' ROGER STONE, former Trump adviser a new middle ground. He moves the goalposts t0 force Other people tO move. And he is able tO withstand tremendous derision over his untruthfulnes s. A man who has cheerfully discussed intimate details Of his private life on the air with Howard Ste rn, a man WhO mugs and poses at professional-wrestling bouts, a man whO encouraged the coverage Of hiS own affair in the New York tabloids is not overburdened by a sense of shame. This has proved to be an advantage over politicians whO fear the embarrassment Of being caught in a lie. That fear has been documented by political scientists. During the 2012 election season, tWO researchers randomly divlded 1 , 169 state legislators from nine states intO three groups. One group received letters warning that they were being monitored for falsehood by PolitiFact, and that any false statements would soil their reputations and risk defeat. The second group was sent letters saying their statements were being monitored—butwith no explicit warning 0f consequences. The third group wasn't contacted at all. Group A—the ones whO were warned Of consequences—proved tO be more cautious about the truth. They had their accuracy questioned at less than half the rate of the other groups. "Politi- cians typically care not just how the public cares about them but about how elites care about them, explained Dartmouth's Brendan Nyhan, one Of the authors of the study. "Trump doesn't care. ” lndeed, even exit polls on Election Day found that 65 % 0f voters—including 28 % Of his own voters—said that he isn't "honest and trustworthy. ” Yet that hasn't stopped his rise. THE QUESTION NOW IS THIS: Can this same strategy work for a President Of the United States? The credibility Trump toys with is no longer just his own. For generations, the world has looked to American leadership in times Of crises, one grounded in an historic fidelity tO basic facts and a sobriety Of rhetoric. What does it mean if the President now needs t0 use that credibility to rally support in a new confrontation with North Korea? Will the world have time or patience tO consider which words he has put air quotes around? The conservative editorial page ofthe Wa Street Jour 〃 had raised the question on the same morning Trump called TIME, with a biting condemnation of Trump's falsehoods. The article compared the President t0 a drunk, clinging "to an empty gin bottle ” offabrication. Trump had read the piece, and he did not approve. "The country's not buying it. lt is fake media; ” he said 0f the Journ 矼 "The country believes me. Hey, I went t0 Kentucky tW0 nights ago. We had 25 , 000 people. ” lt is true that Trump has many supporters. One