み望印当を 。浦ド ; も朝い 43 を 、い : ヾ、にご いミ、 当、、 3 0 、第ミ、瀁ゞツミ立。 Of descendants Of the temple's owners. There are cases in which different temples are co-owners Of paddy fields, and others where one or several minor temples declare their co-participation' in a grander one. This resulted in the payment 0f dues by the smaller ones tO the larger, with the former benefiting in exchange from the protectlon and prestige 0f the latter. There are lnterminable lists of servants 0f both sexes (most often referred t0 as 'slaves') which are typically found in the royal temples of the ninth and tenth centuries. These people worked either in the temple or in the paddy fields. They cannot have been real slaves for the simple reason that slaves were strictly forbidden 仕 om entering a temple, where their presence would have defiled it. lt is therefore scarcely imaginable that their names were SO carefully carved beneath the very eyes 0f the gods. Other lists concern temple furniture, particularly the jewellery with which the gods were adorned, and Other essential ritual objects. These are Of particular value as the objects themselves have vanished completely. ln general, certain trends in the C01 れ posltlon Of these inscnptlons can be observed. Thus the best quality Sanskrit poems appear at the end 0f the ninth century and the middle of the tenth, and during these periods the long lists of 'slaves' also occur. ln contrast there iS a particular abundance Of royal decrees concerning the temples towards the end Of the tenth century, whereas in the eleventh there are Often K ん川の・かおゆ朝〃 K 73 面″〃 d 砒ル Phra T ん砒〃ビ ar ん〃 0 襯 れ〃ん , 乃ん〃 ん 4 ″ . ・の 7 可ビ 9 c ビ〃Ⅲリ / 〃 s ロ・ゆ朝〃カ初〃ビの可 P ん〃の〃ー佑〃か〃ービ立 7 ' ん〃 d. 、 3 を Khmer Civilisation 19
dignitaries, bOth Of them tutors and counsellors Of the king, being glven such a title in the mid-eleventh century. Udayadityavarman Ⅱ conferred the royal name 0f Jayendravarman on his guru Sadasiva, and at the end Of the twelfth century Jayavarman VII made a similar grant tO his own guru, g1Ving him the name Jayamangalarthadeva, and adding that his family members would have the right t0 the title 'king's relative'. A trace Of this practice can still be seen when Prince Norodom Sihanouk, as he was formerly called, and King Sihanoukvarman, as he is now' conferred and still confers in exceptional cases the royal title 0f S の〃 d 託ん on Khmer high dignitaries. The inscriptions provide us with still 1 れ ore titles Of Office in the royal court, in the )udiciary and even in 10Ca1 administration. ln SO far as we dO not always know their place in the hierarchy, it is difficult t0 draw up a coherent table t0 a110W us t0 understand these administratlve structures. Additionally there were the priests, WhO sometimes claimed tO be 'Brahmins'. lt iS indeed only for them that the notion 0f 'caste', sometimes alluded t0 by the lndian term 20r 〃 4 , could have had a meamng in SO far as their POSit1011S seem tO have been hereditary. some Of these priests appear tO have been classified in a sort Of caste system with a nomenclature which iS occasionally referred tO' but the details Of the system remain obscure. 、で know that K1ng Jayavarman V instltuted tWO Of these Brahmin castes and personally chose the members whO were tO belong tO them. For his part, Suryavarman l, following the upheavals which his accesslon t0 the throne had provoked, was quick tO confirm some Brahmins in their caste, whilst Others were pitilessly expelled. AS concerns ordinary people, all we have are the lists 0f 'slaves' which have already been mentioned and which will be discussed later. If it is the case' as I think it is, that these people were actually only the slaves 0f their god' the documentary evidence suggests after a11 a Khmer society 0f farmers wh0 were closely linked tO the life Of their ter pl ら as they have been in recent times, and are indeed now. Once 1 ore , we can lmagine hOW things were by observing the way they are now. There were, however, real slaves, although here again distinctions must be made. On the one hand there were believers WhO gave' slaves tO certaln temples, always III small numbers and identified by name. These could have been 'debt-slaves', or even poor people for whom a believer gave a sort Of rent tO a temple in exchange for their subsistence. ln these cases their reglme must not have been t00 strict. On the Other hand there were captives and people whO came from displaced neighbouring populations, especially those WhO lived in distant mountainous regions and were considered as savages. These were sometimes enumerated in the inscript1011S' but never mentioned by name, and it is likely that their fate was anything but enviable. C の〃尾ー〃 za た g , 〃 0 〃尾 r gallery, B の〃 . 22
'fire arches' in the middle Of the marching armles, and it is possible that these shrines were staging posts where these arches could be stored. Another intriguing fact revealed briefly in the inscription, is the geographical sitmg 0f these 'houses'. They were overwhelmingly in the northern part 0f the empire, and it is strange why there were SO few in the south, especially bearing ln mind Jayavarman's preoccupation with Champa, which it seems he yearned tO annex. Perhaps it was a matter 0f building the roads t0 get there in the first place. 1- す : を 嚼 THE HOSPITALS The Ta Prohm inscription provides information that there existed 102 'hospitals' or の部観 (literally 'houses for the sick') in the empire. Although it is not certain that Jayavarman Vll should be credited with their introduction, as definite traces Of similar establishments, although rare, go back t0 the reign 0f Yashovarman l, it is clear that he made special efforts tO organise these 'hospitals' and tO contribute tO their running. lt is fortunate that almost twenty steles, each containing a long poem in Sanskrit, have been found, with their malll content being a kind 0f set 0f 'rules' for the hospitals. A fairly clear idea of how they worked can thus be formed. What is not apparent, however, is whether they were true hospitals with in-patients, or merely dispensaries. AS usual, the steles are pnmarily religious documents mainly for the gods ー in this case especially Bhaishajyaguru, the Buddha 0f healing ー residing in the shrine which was a compulsory element Of such foundations. Thus the 'rules' served tO remind the god Of the king's pious actions. lt is in the section devoted tO the praise 0f the king, which is actually quite short, that this beautiful verse occurs: "The ills of men's bodies became for him ills of the soul and thus even more afflicting, since it is the suffering 0f their subjects which makes the suffering 0f kings, and not their own sufferings. " lt has Often been affirmed that this text bears witness tO the king's immense Buddhist compassion, but this is far from the case. lt is simply the expression 0f the reality 0f kingship in the lndian world: the king literally 'is' his kingdom, and it is logical that he should feel in himself the slightest unease which might occur. A study 0f these poems reveals the following. ln the first place, there were four categories 0f hospitals. The first group included only the four establishments sited not far from the capital gates, 0f which two can easily be seen and are quite well preserved: Ta Prohm KeI, almost opposite Angkor Wat to the south, and the 'Chapel of the hospital' which stands near Ta く .eo temple, tO itS east. These were clearly the most important, with the king assuming ん 11 responsibility for the upkeep 0f their godS' including a permanent staff 0f around 2()0. The second category is poorly Chapel 可こ ' んが / ' 可、 7 とルビ〃訪 0 〃 T んー C の〃施市〃施夜 : 270
histories Of temples belonging tO specific lineages, and these are a preclous source for the historian. Furthermore, the short inscriptions recording the name Of the god residing in such and such a shrine hardly ever occur before the twelfth century. These trends have tO be reckoned with, and it iS emlnently possible that a custom recorded in the inscriptions Of a given periOd could alSO have been observed in Other times without it being felt necessary tO record it. をを マイ ) ツ第いを・ KHMER LITERATURE く hmer civilisation created many admirable visual works Of art and a11 the evidence iS that it alSO produced an abundance Of literature ln a wide variety Of genres, as the lnscriptions bear W1tness. But nothing Of the contents Of the manuscnpts, as the climate and the insects ensured that they would never survive for long. lt is perplexing, therefore, that there appear t0 have been no scribes tO COPY out the manuscripts WhiCh crammed the libraries. で do have an idea, however, of what these libraries might have contained. The Chinese traveller Zhou Daguan at the end Of the thirteenth century mentions "writings in chalk on blackened skins" and there were certainly also palm-leaf manuscripts, written on latania leaves, a practice which is widespread tO this day. The lnscrlptions swarm with references tO classical lndian literature, the great ePICS Of the Ma ん 06 ん 0r0 and the Ra 川〃 texts on ritual and grammar, and on the 、 D ん ar 襯立 ra , which are treatlses on the Law regulating the order Of the world. Similarly, the extenslve reliefs and carvings are prolific with scenes 仕 0n1 the lndian epics. The horoscopes show a good knowledge Of astronomy, and, in sum, the men 0f letters bear W1tness tO a vast culture Of lndian orlgln. lt is hard tO imagine that at the same time there was Ot alSO a substantial bOdy Of orlginal く hmer literature, although it scarcely figures in the inscriptions. lt has nevertheless le 代 S01 e vestlges. TWO く hmer language inscnptlons a110 Ⅵー us tO discover three authentic extracts from royal chronicles' WhiCh are analogous tO the ones Ⅵ℃ know tOday. The first concerns the miraculous orlgin Of a temple in the reign Of Jayavarman III in the mid-ninth century. The other two both describe why two noble warriors 0f the second half 0f the twelfth century were honoured in the temple 0f Banteay Chhmar, after their heroic deaths. lt is known, moreover, that these 'annals' were regularly updated and conserved, as they have been until recent times, by officials 0f the royal household. The epigraphic record reveals that at the beginning Of these works, as is the case tOday' there were chapters Of an entirely legendary nature. What a boon it would be tO have access tO such texts, whether legendary or historical! お尾〃イ可 0 〃 za 〃 06 な to g ビ 6 か″〃 r small カ 02 ″ / 0 〃 , 〃〃 0 〃 r g 記んリ , B の , 0 〃 . 月 6 仇℃ . ・ Pr な 0 〃ビ立〃 0 ″花 r g 記ん , B の , 0 〃 . 20
0 C ん 4 な 0 THE PRE-ANGKOR PERIOD Khmer history is conventionally subdivided into three major phases. A11 three relate t0 Angkor and t0 the history 0f its kings during the middle period which, perhaps a little t00 precisely, is assigned the dates 0f 802 ー 1431 AD. Thus we have the pre-Angkor period, characterised by considerable fragmentation with sporadic attempts at unification; the Angkor periOd ー continuous exercise Of power in Angkor ー and the post-Angkor phase when the seat 0f power shifted t0 the region 0f Phnom Penh. There is evidence however that settlements existed at Angkor fror れ the very earliest times. There are few traces Of neolithic sites, but an area SO continuously settled and profoundly transformed by man could scarcely have retained them. Aerial photography 0f the zone around Angkor does reveal a considerable number 0f circular sites like the one identified long ago in Lovea village, which may well indicate very ancient habitation by peoples whose race and language remaln unknown but whose neolithic orlgin IS confirmed by finds Of stone t001S and ceramlcs. There is rather more evidence fror れ the seventh and eighth centuries Of settlements which from then onwards are definitely Khmer. At that time the Angkor region was apparently the kingdom Of Aninditapura, one 0f the many kingdoms and prmcipalities which made up the land 0f the Khmers before the ninth century. History does not relate how many 0f these there were, and probably the number varied. We know some Of their names from inscriptions but cannot guess their real importance. Chinese chroniclers did however describe states in South-East ASia, and among these we have identified and approximately located tWO in the territory now known as Cambodia: Funan and Chenla. These names are presumably Chinese transliterations 0f 10Ca1 toponyms which are now hard t0 identify in ways which might establish a firm link ℃ en Chinese and indigenous sources. & 砒翫可切″たん乃℃ Rup s り , ん 947 ィ . 965. , 、 / 襯 S の〃 6 ℃ / ″んいイ G ″洫ビり 02 カ 0 朝尾 . ・ 77 d ( ) 0 00 な / / ー尾川わパ Q / ツんビ〃 0 滝ん立 ん元た to ℃らん・〃 d , 励ビじ〃な記 t0 認夜・可 Ba た 0 〃 g. 53
political situation, Suryavarman gave greater prlority tO ensuring his defences than tO building a grandiose state temple. ln comparlson with other pyramid temples, Phimeanakas is smaller than Pre Rup ( 50 metres on one side) and Ta Keo ( 60 metres square) and is a rectangle 0f only 35 by 28 metres at its base. lt rises very steeply, however, S1nce above three laterite levels totalling twelve metres in height, the dimenslons 0f the summit are still 30 by 23 metres. で find here, as at Ta Keo, a continuous covered gallery which in this case allows for circumambulation, but is tOO cramped tO house statues of the gods as it is only one metre wide. At the cardinal points it has gate-lodges with two W1ngs and a single tower each, and at the angles the roof is slightly higher. At the centre there is scarcely the space for a single tower, built on a cruciform base two and a half metres high. This central shrine opened t0 the four quarters through gates which each had a pro)ecting fore-part. The architect of Phimeanakas re-utilised 01d jambs to frame the door of the central shrine, and these carried inscription Sanskrit く recording the merits Of a minister Of Yashovarman I. Even if there are indications that there were later additions tO the shrine after Suryavarman's reign, the fact that these jambs were incorporated and le 仕 in this privileged position leads this author t0 suppose that there was a link between the minister and the king, since their siting could not have been a ををンイこ Guardia 〃 / / ( ) 〃〃 d 〃尾 2 の立ビビ 2 ー〃℃ as Q P, ん / 〃 7 ビ〃た a & ん . ・ The が〃可 P ん〃た as. 」 III IIIIII 翡第 20m Angkor ⅲ the llth Century 133
The shape Of these poems is almost always identical. After one or several verses which salute the temple god and those around him, there is the genealogy' 0f the benefactor, which in practice contains only the names Of those Of his ancestors Ⅵア hO emoyed some sort 0f fame. Next comes the eulogy Of the benefactor himself, occasionally including interesting biographical facts, followed by an account 0f other donations he has made, and then 0f course the specific foundation which is the object 0f the inscription, and the date (where applicable) on which it was dedicated to the god. The poet finally invokes blessings on the foundation's future guardians, and curses, 111 one or several verses, on the wretches Ⅵ 410 might seek tO destroy it. Both the length and the quality of these poems show considerable variation, but it IS exceptional tO C01 れ e across one WhiCh iS really mediocre. S01 e can be very long. The Pre Rup stele is the longest and probably the finest and is a poem of almost 300 verses, the equivalent 0f 1 OOO 0f our alexandrines. They are usually written in a specifically lndian poetic style, たの観 , which draws extensively on metaphors mainly from Hindu mythology or from lndian epics, thus emphasising their authors' breadth Of culture. The founder could be a king, but there were often temples built by dignitarles or families. These substantial pious works implied great wealth and their patrons were therefore close t0 the throne. They rarely fail t0 mention the names Of the kings they served, together with short eulogies which are an asset tO historians S1nce this sometimes allOWS them tO make fruitful chronological comparisons. TO be sure, these documents are by no means objective. lt is certain that they contain nothing unfavourable t0 the dedicatee and, paradoxically, little which is derogatory t0 his enemies, especially if they are kings. lt should be noted that the latter, once consecrated and especially once cremated, were imbued with potentially dangerous power, and it was thus prudent tO propitiate them. The Khmer language texts on the other hand are of quite a different type. ln the overwhelming (a)ority Of cases they are in the forr れ Of inventories, listing temple goods, lands, cattle, mlnor servants, movable objects, etc. The lists should not however be considered exhaustive, as they generally refer tO donations by a specific individual, Often the founder praised in the Sanskrit poer れ when the inscription is bilingual. They nevertheless provide informatlon on the anc-lent economy, although little research on this aspect has been undertaken tO date. These are not mere lists. TO take the example 0f paddy fields, there are frequent references tO their price and tO the names Of their former owners, and occasionally we are given details Of the litigation they have glven rise tO. These are the 1 れ OSt mteresting texts as they lift the curtain on certain aspects Of 'secular' life. ln exceptional cases, as the inscription recounts the history Of a temple's wealth, it can give a glimpse Of one or several centuries Of history, as it refers tO the kings WhO were ministered tO by the line 、い第・いイ ~ 」い、 ンい 4 3 Sa んわパげゆ朝〃 0 〃立ビん K 528 0 襯ビ Ea 立イ訪 0 〃 . れな d 砒ビ d プ〃〃の y 958 の co 〃ゆおん〃 g カ怩川ィ / og ⅳ・〃 g Kmg R のビ〃 drav の・〃 za 〃 . 18
Phnom Bok rei Kmeng Prasat Kok Po 0 暑 East Baray Prasat Ta Nore y Ak um Phnom Bakheng Ashram Ashram A?hram Ashram Prasat Kas Ho 呼 3 おりイ Apart from the script, surprising in itself, and which the king later tried in vain to enforce, it is notable that these inscriptions and others Of the period show a quality of Sanskrit poetry which bears witness to a much higher level of culture than that which appears lll similar texts Of earlier periods. lt would seem that these tWO characteristics could only have resulted from the influence of lndian scholars living in the Khmer court, but there iS no Other trace tO indicate their arrival or presence there. THE M()VING OF THE CAPITAL The king had clearly marked out the extent of his empire and in their hyperbolic style the inscrlptions describe him as "the supreme master Of the Land whose borders stretch 仕 om the & 茯朝〃 za た 0 and the 月川 ra た 0 (probably tribes living in the Cardamom mountams Of WhOI れ nothing else is known) tO the ocean, China and Champa. ” Next he decreed a masswe works pro)ect tO found a new capital. ln a11 likelihood the war of succession had destroyed his father's palace and even profaned the state temple SO the way was clear for him tO abandon the 01d capital Hariharalaya, which in any case may in his judgement have been incapable 0f the sort 0f development he had in mind. lt can be surmised t00 that he was already well acquainted with the reg10n which was tO become Angkor and 1 れ y suggestion is that he could well have had a degree Of authority there before assuming the supreme throne The First Angkor 75
LIFE IN THE TEMPLES AND VILLAGES What was life like in the temples? There are S01 れ e inscriptions tO which we have referred which suggest that life ⅲ the village in ancient days was not radically different from what it was in Cambodia as described in the late nineteenth century. Long lists Of 'slaves' with their temple duties are engraved on the steles Of some sanctuaries, for example at Preah KO or L01ei. The existence 0f these 'slaves ()f the god)' recorded as such on a sort 0f r011 0f honour is proof enough that a large proportion 0f villagers played an active role in the life 0f the temples, as they d0 t0day. lt should also be remembered that Hindu temples are not meeting-places in the same way as Christian churches, but residences Of a god worshipped under a specific name, whose special miSS10n IS tO safeguard the prosperity Of the region entrusted tO him, and whor priests have a duty tO serve as they would serve a great nobleman. Each morning, therefore, the god would be awoken, bathed' dressed and offered a meal. At midday they would return t0 feed him, and again in the evemng' when additionally he would be prepared for his nightly repose. This was the duty 0f the temple priests. But at the same time muslclans would come tO charm COOks would be preparing the f00d, other servants would have the duty 0f making ready the leaves on which the dishes would be served, or would be husking the rice or weaving his flowers int0 garlands. Night guards were needed for the templ% guards for the treasury and guards for the various chambers and farmers for the paddy fields which he owned and which provided the rice which was offered t0 him daily a11 year round. Of course, on festival days, the wh01e population gathered around the templ% necessltating even 1 れ ore mllllsters. All this for just one god' but in each great temple there were many more. At preah く 0 there were six prmcipal four at LOlei and 109 on the pyramid of Phnom Bakheng. ln addition there were various numbers 0f a11 the minor divinitles in these temples, WhO alSO needed tO be attended tO. These were not full-time temple servants, as shown by their great numbers. For example, the north shrine 0f L01ei records a list 0f 182 people per fortnight as temple staff, and these are over and above the resident priests! lt is thus an established fact that the 10Ca1 people used t0 take turns t0 serve the gods whO governed the world order in general, and their own personal fat% in a rota system' tO bear W1tneSS tO their own faith. Beyond the temple, they attended t0 their daily needs. Festivals were quite often held throughout the year, but one was more important than the 0thers. Each temple had its annual festival which was more or less sumptuous according tO the means 0f the faithful. lt was then that the god was taken from his cella on a processlon around the temple, and Of course everyone came tO accompany WOrship and probably t0 solicit some personal favour. R たビイ el ホん一測ビ立可ん〃 0 川 Ba たんビ〃 g. g 記た可 6 ー尾 / をん月〃 g た一佑た 34
shrines in the Khmer country, as others were built by the less wealthy in perishable materials. The inscrlptions reveal that sometimes there were years Of delay before being able to build a shrine of durable materials for a divinity, and doubtless some never saw the light Of day because the means were lacking. At the same t11 e , the く hmers did not abandon their indigenous deities, the masters Of the land and its abundance, human heroes WhO became guardian spirits, and, Of course, the protecting ancestors Of each lineage. EVil spirits alSO roamed the land, bringlng sickness or death. A11 these numerous and diverse divinities were worshipped, although doubtless with less complex rituals than those of the lndian gods, and similarly their shrines would generally have been simpler and mainly built 0f perishable materials, as are those which house them nowadays (see page 14 ). They were nevertheless 0f considerable importance in Khmer eyes and probably evoked much more dread than the lndian gods wh0 were naturally more remote, if only because Of their ability tO inflict immediate retribution when they were annoyed. These divinitles were thus probably the subject of more regular attention, but not a single shrine survlves, nor even a descriptlon Of their rituals ー unless, Of course, it has gone unrecognised. 、ア h ⅱ e there are occasional allusions tO S01 れ e Of these divinitles lll the inscriptions they are, as it were, accidental, since none Of the texts is specifically intended for them. This is why so little is known of the foremost 10Ca1 deity, the renowned Devar or 'the god wh0 is klng', wh0 was the counterpart 0f the Khmer 'king of kings' Much ink has flowed on the subject of this divinity, in inverse proportlon tO the scanty and succinct references which exist in the actual documents. The next chapter will revert tO the matter when the reign of Jayavarman Ⅱ is described. At the end Of the twelfth century some short inscriptions occur which give the names 0f certain personages on the reliefs Of Angkor Wat and those 0f the gods whO inhabited the cellae Of the temple complexes at the time. Sometimes, these inscriptions have been erased and replaced with others, which shows the mobility 0f the images. Occasionally they give the name Of the donor Of the statue, or that Of the person on whom it was modelled. This type 0f information can also be found on the base Of some Of the bronze statues, and in rare cases the date Of a statue's enshrinement ln a temple iS alSO glven. 颪胃、国物に・を、 鷺念 0- Stone Buddha ″〃 r naga, 月〃 g た防いん . Khmer Civilisation 29