n addition tO the above—mentioned individuals and instltutlons, I would like to thank those in lndia who not only facilitated my research but also acted as graclous hOStS tO make my tlme there a constant delight. First among these are the Vyas and Vasant families of Ahmedabad—my family in lndia. The Amencan lnstitute of lndian Studies in Delh1, under Dr. Pradeep Mehendiratta, provided bOth financial and admlnistrative support for my dissertatlon research, which laid the groundwork for much of this exhibiuon and catalogue. My academic advisor in lndia, Dr. Shndhar Andhare, Director of the Lalbhai DaIpatbhai Museum ln Ahmedabad, は s a constant source of encouragement and good advice, and the staffs of both the LaIbhai DaIpatbhai Museum and lnstitute 0 日 nd010 have been wonderful. The staffs of the Departments 0 「 Archaeology in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and particularly Gujarat have provided invaluable asslstance over the years. I am grateful t0 M. A. Dhaky at the Amencan lnstitute of lndian Studies Center for Art and . Architecture in Varanas1 as intellectual exemplar and for the resources that he and the staff 0 「 the Center so diligently assembled. The extraordinary photographic archive produced by the Center and reproduced at the University Of Pennsylvania was the single most important t001 for determinlng the reglon and chronolo 0 日 oose obJects. Without it this catalogue would have been impossible. I thank Miss Kanta Bhatia, South Asia Bibliographer at Penn, who ably admimsters the archive as well as Other crucial library resources, and the members of the History of Art Department for their unflaggmg support. I am indebted to my 応Ⅱ ow Penn students, Mr. AJay Sinha and Ms. Kathenne Hacker, for the many probing conversatlons—both in the classroom and coffee shop. Mr. 嶬細 Tung and the staff of the Asiatic Department at the Museum 0 「 Fine Arts, Boston, have not only tolerated my absences but have been a source of constant encouragement. TO Dr. Michael Meister—academic advisor, mentor, and friend—the debt is clear. And to Dr. Vishakha Desai, who not only conceived Of this exhibition and made it a reality, but also allowed me to participate so thoroughly, thanks! Finally I thank my 信 mlly in Rhode lsland and New York, 46 〃れ 4 川 . Danelle Mason Asiatic Department, Museum Of Fine Arts, Boston

splendor—earth, heaven, and the netherworld—is a mamfestatlon 0 「 Their joint power. I bow before that d1Vine couple ト ee Fig. 22 ] , WhO are ever umted, never apart, ever eternal and unchanglng, the source 伝 om which the ongln of the universe proceeds. ( 3 ) O Siva, I long to S1ng of Your boundless g10 Ⅳ , and yet my mmd stops short, knowing only a fractlon of what there is to know. 〇 Three-eyed Lord, though I know all t00 well my limlts, my deep feehngs Of devotlon urge me on to commit this rash act and sing th1S hymn. ( 5 ) O Siva! Even the Gods Brahmä and Visnu could not find words to descnbe Your true 応 rm , wh1Ch is beyond the range of normal speech and thought. 0 Granter of ・ Wishes! So that is why in my devouon to You I worshlp with my words this lower 応 rr れ of Yours, in which You are the Beloved of Pärvati, the Daughter of the Mountain Himälaya. ( 7 ) ln this endless cycle of rebirths, it is difflcult Just to be born as a human b eing. Only someone 、 Mho has accumulated great ment over many past lives finds You; the masses worshlp other gods. 〇 Destroyer of the God of Love, many may climb the mag1C mountain Rohana, which is studded with 」 ewels; but only one will actually find a diamond while the others will be satisfied with worthless glimmermg crystals of quartz. ( 10 ) Jams and Buddhists, surrendenng themselves to the Jina or the Buddha, in truth worshlp You. And You grant them their heart's desires as well You should. After all, does not the cool water that exhausted travelers dnnk quench their thirst, whatever they imagme it to be in their delinum? ( 11 ) The Sun and the planets 応Ⅱ ow their courses; Time passes, measured in days, nights, fortnights, months, and seasons. None of this would be possible without You as the actlve agent of change. Whose else is the power to move the heavenly bodies and measure out time? ( 12 ) 〇 Three-eyed One! You have burned the God of Love with the fire of Your glance, that God of Love whose rmght had burned the three worlds—earth, heaven, and the netherworld. And in doing so You only did what was nght. For those who would cause others paln must in the end suffer the anger 0f those who are their overlords. ( 16 ) You are the sole refuge of those who are blighted by poverty and tormented by mlsfortune; Of those , hom enemies besiege and of those who are the victlms of their 0 、 vn foolishness; Of a11 of those who are sorely troubled by gnef and misery, You are the sole refuge, as water is for the thlrsty. ( 18 ) 〇 God Who Bears the Crescent Moon in His Locks! All that follows IS worthless if one does not worship Your feet: a noble birth, mature knowledge of the scnptures, a tendency to perform P10us acts, expertlse in phllosophy, cultivated and well-adorned speech, great wealth, a healthy and a sound body. ( 19 ) As soon as he is reborn in heaven, rays of hght emanating 伝 om the crowns Of Brahmä and the other gods will restore the natural ruddiness to the calloused feet of Your devotee who got those callouses 伝 0n1 running here and there to gather flowers for Your worship. ( 20 ) 68

devotion and the varlous possible attitudes Of a temple viS1tor ln medieval north lndia. 嶬第 see the devotee as a philosopher, who projects in his mind image after lmage Of the GOd only tO erase these images tO amve at bare reality. This devotee 10n い for a mystical awareness of his oneness with God and an end to the cycle 0 「 rebirth. 嶬み e also meet the devotee as a humble servant, who prays and pleads with GOd tO rescue him, to allo 、 him tO be reborn agaln and again as the servant Of God. FinaIIy, we see the devotee as a temple donor and worshlper, who makes offenngs to God and hopes to be rewarded with rebirth in heaven. The poem makes abundantly clear that ℃ must not focus on any one Of these POints, on any one side Of the prlsm, tO the exclusion Of any Other. He prays tO Siva at once as Supreme ConSC10usness and BliSS kno 、 tO yogms ln meditation, as Pnme Mover of the umverse beyond name and 応 rm , as resident God of the temple fixed in tlme and space and possessmg concrete shape, and as personal deity and savior Of the poor. ln doing so he tells us unambiguously that as we glance through any side of the pnsm, we must keep 1n mind that the vista revealed is only part of a dynanuc and active whOle. There is no conflict between these different points Of V1ew, and in any glven act Of devotlon the medieval poet honored his GOd in each of these many understandlngs. Therefore, there are many dlrections ln which we rmght orlent our further quest to understand the religlous background of the pieces of sculpture and archltectural fragments in this exhibitlon. 嶬 nught, for example, focus on the philosophical verses that tell of the essentlal unity between all individual souls and God. lndeed, the penod covered by this exhibition was the most prolific in the entire history of lndlan philosophy. Like Haläyudha, many medieval philosophers wrote deeply personal devotional hymns in addition tO their abstruse speculative 、 vorks. There IS no question that their yearnlngs 、 vere lmportant expresslons Of devotlon. We mlght alternatively focus on the poet's fervent avowal of his own unworthiness and his deepest desire for any rebirth, even the most humble, in 、 vhich he can continue his devotion tO GOd. Like many Of his contemporanes, HaIäyudha was affected by growing devotional movements, some of which would ultimately reject both phllosophical speculation and temple ritual as paths to G0d. Much Of the literature Of these burgeonlng movements was 、 vritten in vernacular languages and sung m popular folk tunes, often stressing the importance 0f personal, pnvate rehglous VISIOn, with the religlous teacher as the ultimate source Of authonty, supplanting the Sansknt scholastic text. These rehglous movements were also highly influenced by Täntr1C rehglon, which stressed personal 13 transnllsslon Of the teachmgs and Often repudlated traditionally sanctioned piety. The third lens is represented by those verses in which Haläyudha descrlbes his God as the God of the temple and the 2 町叩な stones. Only one of Haläyudha's concerns—the ments that were said tO have been gained by temple worship¯ will be the focus of the balance of this essay. By extension this will include an exploration of what mght have brought men and women t0 the temples. What follows are translations 0 「 several sectlons 伝 0n1 the 2 r 汀〃 that extOl worship and relate miracles that occurred as a result. Haläyudha's hymn has shown that the God 0 「 the temple dommates only one plane on the pnsm. P 肝な stones corroborate what may be surmised 伝 0n1 the hymn by providing counterstones that either questlon the efflcacy Of the ntuals or sarcastically attack the very instltutlon 0 「 temple worship. TWO subsequent stones make this and the essay will speculate as tO the reasons that they seek tO undermine what Other texts so fulsomely praise. lt should be kept in mind that all of these stones' both those ln support Of and those against temple worship, are miracle stones" that tend tO the extreme; nonetheless, they alSO tell simple truths. Finally, some verses Of a Jain poem help round out the picture by presentmg some 0 「 the less religlous reasons that people came to the temple—the thrill of the crowds, the excitement of watching a new play, and the aesthetic pleasure afforded by the structure and its elaborate sculpture. 72

い : は曇をを appears t0 be a sheep's head. She holds a 良訪 u holdmg h1S hands downward to proJ ec t through the molding below is yet another sheep-headed child and is flanked by a similar regonal idlosyncrasy ( NO. 51 ). The female attendant. distinctive lines of flesh, which appear below ln the center is most likely the absolute the breasts of the seated goddesses, only 応 rm of Durgä herself, with multiple weapons hinted at in the other female figures, may be astride a single lion. The goddess to her left a reflectlon of the shghtly earher practice for has both bull and lion as レ明 and may be depicting female anatomy, smce lcomc a 応 rm of Pärvati (Gauri), while two lions figures Often retaln not only archa1C accompany the one t0 Durgä's nght lconographlc but also stylistic features. ( No. 69 ). The forms of the goddess are numerous and their equally numerous names as glven ln texts are Often difflcult tO connect W1th specific image types ・ FIank1ng the three c entral go ddesses are 川 4 れ (fly whlsk-beanng female attendants). The sons 0f Pärvati and Siva 6 Ⅱ the remalmng spaces—elephant-headed Gane'a on the le 代 and youthful Skanda atop h1S peacock t0 the nght. lt is dlffcult to determine 伝 om th1S piece to wh1Ch deity the temple was dedlcated—perhaps Visnu or the Goddess. ln terms of reglonal style, this relief relates most closely tO ninth—century monuments in the area around VidiSha, near BhopaI in Madhya Pradesh, ancient Da'ärnade'a. The decoratlve motif Of the leaf—drop moldlng is omnlpresent at S1tes ln this area. Wide faces and h1PS are another constant charactenstlc. The configuratlon Of the 加レ川〃 with the curly headed demon 1. They may be two ofVispu's Ⅷ ras ("ten descents"). The horseman is probably Kalk1n, final and future avatar. The cross—legged 6 部江 e IS more problemauc—B uddhävatära usually shows snail curls and/or a 卩な口 (cramal protuberance), 川市ホ , and other attributes ofBuddha ( No. 70 ). 2. For example , Mälädevi temple at Gyaraspur and temples at Badoh-Pathan. 235

while raising four fingers of his le 仕 hand. A lconography on the door contains the male attendant crouches behind. temple's Ja1na (Digambarä) dedlcation. These The carvmg of these spectacular pieces factors, together with the simllanty in exemplifies the best in Khajuräho and indeed craftsmanshlp, make it a distmct possiblllty that the 川 ara palr onglnally upheld the in high "medieval" north lndlan sculpture. Flaring lashes and ears and delicate leafy entry ra 卩 4 on thIS temple. overlays blend animal and vegetal in exuberant fantasy. The beaded ears almost hlde spirahng horns. The undercut eyelids transform the eyes into turgld orbs, a tnumph 1. Accordmg to Jitendra Nath Banerjea, The D el 叩川ど ofHindu 加加叩んァ ( 1956 ; repnnt, of the sculptor's sklll From behind the horns New Delhi : Munsh1ram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. peeks the begnmng of the 川黻ロ濯 s usually Ltd. , 1985 ) , p. 262 , th1S cloth-wavlng gesture is swlrling tail—again animal and plant blend as termed 化ロ (Pah) and signifies great 」 oy. the tail sprouts 伝 om the neck in the 応 rm of 2. Deva, 川研 KI ん可町 0 pp. 25 ( ト 54. multiple thick lotus stems. The intenor of the Jaw of both pieces, lnusible 伝 om ground level when they were in situ, is only roughly hacked. On the flat upper surface, a square hole above the figure panels constltutes the socle for the pillar above. The rough-hewn end pieces would have been embedded into the supportlng side pillars, which likely sat on the benches flankmg the entry (Nos. 33 , 34 ). The stone arch linkmg the 川黻 aras rested in the squared indéhtation behind the eyes. Each 川黻ロ ra would have been held in place by a combinatlon Of the pillar juncture and an additional bracket below, probably in the 応 rm of a splayed dwarf ( No. 35 ). A very fragmentary temple, called the Ghapcai ("bell") because of the bell-and- chain motif adorning lts pronunent front P111ars, stands tO the northwest Of the maln Jama complex at KhaJuräh0. Krishna Deva dates this monument tO approxlmately the late tenth century based on its structure and elegant carving. Although only the pillars 0 「 its halls and hall door remain, they imply an extremely large constructlon, while the 195

BOth this mythical act and the structure ofcosmic order have been represented in ntual and architectural texts by a square dlagram called the " レ示な甲Ⅲ 4 川口〃イ 4 信 ' (västu—"buildlng' ; イ川ーー。 man ; 川明信一 dla 墅 am ' ) presenting the figure of a "dæmon pinned as sacnfice tO the earth by a senes Of divine entlties dlstnbuted within a grid of usually sixty-four or eighty-one squares (Fig. 32 ). Such a mappmg of the cosmogomc myth was first determined in the early centunes B. C. as part of the rltual used tO construct open—air bnck altars. From at least the fourth or 6 h century A. D. , however, lt was adapted by architects as a means by which tO lay out temples and to locate them ntually (see Fig. 33 ). The plans of many 0 「 the early temples surviving ln north lndia take the f0n11 Of a square ()r rather—extending the plane 0 「 the cosmos toward the apex and nadir—that of a cube). Among the earliest of these, the small stone temple on the hill at Sanchi in central lndia (ca. A. D. 400 ー 415 ) consists only of a cubical sanctum and a shallow portico to shelter the approaching worshiper (Fig. 34 ). The earliest su ハ riving text to describe the temple's constructing diagram, the B 4 な 4 ⅲん・ , was wrltten in the early sixth century A. D. when such temples, in brick or stone, had only begun to be built. At the center of this grid, the レ示ルィⅢ川 4 れ , as descnbed in the B ⅲ / ⅲ汀 , was a place for the 10 all-pervading, formless, divine entity called 房川 (see Fig. 33 ). Around the penphery of the 部 ld were placed pinning divinities" 叩第示 ) , refemng to that much earlier myth in which pinning down the flayed skin of a dæmon who threatened creation had become the world's first act Of sacrlfice and salvation. The dæmon, through his role in the sacnfice, was transformed intO the guardian spint Of the ntual site (the " レ示な甲Ⅲ 4 , " also called Väst0ipati) and thus also Of creation and Of all subsequent architectural constructlon. 日 g. 30 肥 B ⅲⅲ″肥ルイ (Cosn11c Egg) , page 伝 om an illustrated manuscnpt 0f the B 〃畩 4 Ⅷ P 町な , Kangra, Punjab Hills, late 18th c entury. (B harat Kala B hawan , B anaras)

Fragments 伝 01 れ a Divine Cosmology Unfolding Forms on lndia's Temple Walls he lndian temple can be said to begm with a "singulanty, ' in the phrase used by Stephen Hawkmg 伝 om today's theory of quantum physics: "a point ln space-tlme at which the space-tlme curvature becomes infinite. '' The reality Of man S umverse emerges 伝 0n1 th1S infinitely intertwined cosm1C fabnc in myths of ongln, a fabnc closely resembling what the great scholar of lndia's archltecture, Stella Kramr1sch, has called the "Uncreate. She defined this as the eternal ground and antithesis of creatlon," always parallel to and in oppositlon with the charnel ground of the matenal world's cycles of creatlon and dissolution. ln the beglnnlng, as recorded by one famous passage 伝 om lndia's earliestspeculative text, the Rg Veda: Then there was nothing that is, nothing that is not. There was no air then, no heavens beyond the air. What covered it over? Where was it? ・嶬 / hO kept it? But who really knows, who can say where it all came 伝 om , how creatlon came about. The gods themselves are after creatlon; , hO knows really where it all came 伝 0 ーⅡ ? 。嶬/ ・ here Creation came 伝 0n1 , whether it was made or not, only He knows whO 100kS over it 伝 0n1 highest heaven, unless even he does not know. The purpose of this essay is to provide a bnef history of the evolution of the north lndian temple's forms; of the application 0 「 figural imagery to the temple; and to explain the links between the temple's geometry, lmagery, and the role it played in lndian society as a model of cosnuc order and ongmation. lt is only within such a context that lndia's exceptional temple sculpture can be appreciated and understood. Creation Vedic lndia had honored natural forces by name but not pnmanly in a personified 応 rm. lndra, for example, as rain cloud "Lord of Heaven, or later Skanda, as 、 'War Lord," represented nature's potency much more than either Of them yet had developed personalized myths. ln much Of lndla's early speculation, cosn11C creatlon was thought tO have spread 伝 om a moment ofongln—called vanously a point ( わⅲ面 ) , seed ( の , or egg ( 叩 ) (see Fig. 30 ) —in the cardinal directions. The umverse thus was said t0 have taken the 応 rm of a square, onented and stabilized by cardinal faces; lts surface—the earth—was the altar on which the first sacnficial offermg was enacted (see Fig. 31 ). 4 94

molding and the flattened, leaflike pattern—are common throughout Gujarat, Rajasthan, and the western half of Madhya Pradesh 伝 om the second half of the tenth century onward, reglonally and temporally dlstinguishable only by specifics 0f carving ・ The curved foliate scroll, however, appears most commonly in ancient at this penod at sites such as Gyaraspur and may indicate a regonal afflliation. The carving of the figures on th1S 24 川 is quite crude and choppy. Rather than indicating the quahty of carving of the remainder Of the temple 伝 01 れ which it came, however, the fairly large size and complexlty of the fragment make it likely that this crudeness indicates a hierarchy Of carvmg wherein the sculptor lavished care on the sanctum image itself but sklmped on the mmor figures of the frame. lndeed, the frame, like many smaller or more distant segments Of the temple's carved surface, was 254 god within. visually as well as symbolically dwarfed by the R ′化 : The Asia Society 1967 ー 68 : 102. 1. D ouglas Barrett in a letter to Richard Fullar, June 17 , 1966 ; Seattle Art Museum files. 2. Meister, "Phärhsanä in Western lndla,' pp. 167 ー 88.

and suddenly the baby was a baby no more. lndra also touched the loins of the kmg; at that touch the Kmg Yuvanäsva was healed and his wound vanished. lndra named the child Mändhätä, and so he became known in the world. That name was chosen because the child sucked lndra's finger as soon as he was born, and M 汀 means "suck me. ” And Visnu himself entered into that child with his fiery presence. 'Now the woman who had been the wife of that low-caste man in a former birth also Ⅱ伝 om heaven and became the daughter 0f Bhimavega, kmg of Käfi. Her name was Prabhävati, and she was lovely, in fact the most beautiful woman in all the world. Yuvanä'va chose her as a bride for Mändhätä, for she was endowed with every ausplcious mark. And K1ng Citravähana gave her tO Mändhätä. She was his only wife and was extremely beautiful; in the んⅡ b100m of youth and handsome in 応 rm , she was dearer to him than his own li . Yuvanä'va, having made their wedding, crowned his son as king of Ayodhya and went t0 the forest to practlce austenties. From the forest he went tO heaven. Mändhätä, now king and proud of his skill at arms, within the space of one short week, single-handedly conquered the three worlds—heaven, earth, and the netherworld. The magic wheel that preceded his mllitary march, prepanng the conquest, was unchallenged in the netherworld, in heaven, on mountams, and at sea. He became the emperor Of the whOle unlverse, and he was a Just lord, a PIOI-IS devotee of Visnu. He ruled the world for ten aeons. They say that the klngdom Of Yuvanäsva extended over the entire world—everywhere the sun s rays shone. And SO that low—caste Ⅱ ow became a great kmg, who defeated all of his enermes, 」 ust 伝 om having whitewashed the walls and floor of the temple in his former li . And his wife became again his wife and the foremost of ′ omen. These stones agree in grantlng to the most 10WIY the highest benefits 伝 om acts Of worship. The story Of the mouse whO becomes a pnncess goes even further than the story Of the low—caste beggar in saying that an inadvertent and unintentlonal act Of worshlp can stlll yield a marvelous result. ln bOth stories the ritual act is simple and does not involve great expense; the mouse obuously had nothmg tO spend, and the low—caste worshlper は s penniless when he carried out his pious act of whitewashmg the temple walls. But the ィ卩 do not always describe a simple mode of worship accessible to all. AIthough th1S nught have been the preferred ntual of miracle stories, they were not the only medium through which medieval Hindu authors g10Hfied temple worship. p 町 often simply catalogued the wonderful results that accrued 伝 om each step 0f ritual worship. ln doing so they often compared the worship of a god with the ancient Vedic sacrifices, particularly the costly horse sacrifice ロ川んの , that only a klng rmght pe 0m1. TO valorize image worship, these texts proclaim that the ment tO be gained 伝 0n1 one small act Of worship is greater than that t0 be had 伝 om countless sacnfices. But the parallel t0 the Vedic sacrlfice goes deeper than the fact that the sacrifice serves as an obvious point Of companson for a mentonous deed. Like the Vedic sacrifice, temple worship could also be a costly and splendid affair, with 部応 rangmg 伝 om simple wildflowers to gold and 」 ewels. The following verses 伝 om the D 面 ra た汀川川 are a glonfication of Dvärakä, the city associated with Krsna's rel 1. The D 面 ra たな川川 is included in the S 祠叩町叩ロ , P 川励示黻〃 , and these 17 sectlons are 伝 0n1 chapter 23. Those men who pour milk over the head of Krsna, with each and every drop of milk that falls, reap the ment that is t0 be had 伝 om Fig. 25 Worship of the Goddess (Devi), a 1 Oth-century image, with lamps in the foreground, Harshag1r1, Rajasthan. 79

has been preserved. These details not only lllustrate the character Of inscnptions but highlight the information that ancient patrons deemed worthy of record. N ん Patronage After the seventh century, north lndia was seldom ruled by a single power. MaJ0r kmgs and dynastles emerged only rarely 伝 om a matnx 0f competing clans and prmcipalities. The history 0f these polltlcal entitles IS not well understood, but survlvmg lnscnptions indicate that religlous mstitutlons were vlgorously supported by all members of the ruhng elite. The first major king to appear after the death of Harsavardhana (). D. 606 ー 47 ) was Ya'ovarman of Kannauj (ca. A. D. 720 ー 50 ). ya'ovarman S ancestry iS not directly known, but he may have come 伝 0n1 a Mauryan clan that controlled Mathura in the late seventh and early eighth centunes. Although a powerful ruler, little archaeologlcal material can be connected with Ya'ovarman. Väkpati's G イイロレロ〃 0 states that Ya'ovarman built a temple at Hari'candranagari (Ayodhya). The only other indication 0f Ya'0- varman S architectural actIVItIes IS gIVen ln an lnscnptlon 伝 0n1 GhosräWä that mentlons a locatlon called ya'ovarmapuravihära, apparently a monastery in the RäJg1r hllls. Ya'ovarman's successor Ama (ca. A. D. 750 ー 75 ) is credited with building a temple to Mahävira, founder ofJainism, at Gwalior (ancient Gopädr1, 10 Gopag1n). This evidence indlcates that the klngs who ruled the Gangetic heartland in the eighth century had an actlve lnterest ln constructmg temples. More informatlon is forthcommg about contemporary pnnces in Rajasthan. An illummatmg example 0f such patronage IS provided by the inscnption 伝 om Kanswa near Kotah that recorded the establishment 0f a temple by one Sivagaqa, son of Kmg @甲の Samkuka, an ally of Kmg Dhavala. 1 Dhavala belonged to one of the Mauryan clans that prevailed in many parts of north lndia durmg the eighth century. Sivagapa built a temple ( 励 4 ) 0f Parame<vara in the hermltage 0f Kanva (modern Kanswa). TWO villages were glven as a perpetual endowment for mamtenance, hghts, incense, and Other accoutrements Of worship. includes the customary prayer that the kirti (fame of the builder and thus also the building) nught long endure, the purpose of this temple ()o augment merit and fame), the date, the name of the poet Devata, and the names of others, including N ・ annaka, the ra イんロ . That this SO Of patronage continued in later tlmes and was not restncted tO deities such as Visnu and Siva IS evidenced by the archaeologlcal material discovered at Ghatiyälä, a site northwest of J0dhpur. A ruined Jaina temple bears a Präkr1t inscnption that states lt was erected by Kakkuka, a ruler of Pratihära lineage, in [Vikrama] year 918 (). D. 861 ー 62 ). Begmmng with a genealogy Of Kakkuka, the record states that in order tO increase his fame the ruler founded a market ( 4 の and established two pillars, one at Maddodara (modern Mandor) and the other at Rohinsaküpa (modern Ghatiyälä). 13 Though inscnbed durmg the reign of Mihira Bhoja (ca. A. D. 836 ー 85 ) , a celebrated Pratihära monarch, the inscrlption does not mention his name. The genealogy indlcates that Kakkuka was related in some way to the impenal Pratihäras and that occasionally the two branches 0f the 信 mlly may have 14 been ln conflict. The pillar mentioned in the Ghatiyälä inscnptlon stands near the ruined Jaina temple and is locally known as Khakhu-devalam. On the shaft are three ninth—century lnscnptlons. The inscnptlon on the east side, in Sansknt prose, gwes the genealogy of Kakkuka and again records that he set up two pillars, built a な 4 , and established a community ( 川呵の . The inscnption on the west side records that the area was ongmally inhabited by Abhiras until Kakkuka routed them and built a market with lovely streets and houses and induced a 川可ロ加 of Brähmins and other reputable people to live there. The degree to which epigr 叩 hic records focus on matters 0 日 ocal concern IS 16 further illustrated by an inscnption 0 「 the GuhiIa prmce BäIäditya 伝 om Chätsu. This glves a long account Of the achievements Of the Guhilas in the se ハ hlce 0 「 their Pratihära overlords (even though the Pratihäras are barely mentloned). The 12 1 5 52