behind the screen. Among these were animals who tended to sleep in another corner Of the cage. An unlearned preference for the most covered place prevailed in these cases over the effects of previous experience. Three of the experimental animals started behind the screen within 1 hour. Nine decided, within 5 hours, to build in another corner. To sum up : of the eighty-two virgin females, seventy-six built a nes し forty-four of these within the first hour of the tes し and only six rats did not build. ln all animals that showed an interest in the nesting material, the above mentioned movements Of nest building were observed. Most Of the animals ex- plored the rack and the paper at their first encounter by nibbling and sniffing. Then they tore one or a few strips out of the rack and carried them without much hesitation tO the prospective nesting site. There they deposited the nesting ma- terial, and often nest-building movements like splitting, scratching and pushing appeared, although Of no use at this stage. These movements usually lasted for only a few seconds before they started for more paper. From the behaviour of the animal one did not get the impression that they had any idea what the result of their behaviour would be. The behaviour released by the nesting material con- sisted simply of certain building movements, in disorderly sequence. Bu し in all cases, a nest was the result Of the rat's activity. ln five cases the experimental animals were given pieces of straw instead of paper. These, t00 , started to build, and all started tO split the straw, in the characteristic way previously described, thus producing SO 日 nesting material. Here, t00 , it was evident that the rat did not follow a certain plan by insight. lt did no し for example, split one piece of straw after another, but only grasped one piece after another, making the splitting movements and dropping the straw afterwards without looking at the result. Often the blade was only cracked, or a small piece ripped off when it was dropped in order to grasp the next blade Of straw. There was only one tendency eviden し namely, tO let certain movements run off on certain material. But by repetition of this behaviour, all the straw got split eventually. Experienced rats, by the way, seem to f0110W a plan or scheme, but that still has to be studied in detail. Although I was interested only in actual nest construction, I let ten of the experimental animals, after testing nest building, dig in earth. They did so with complete co-ordination Of all digging movements. For the purpose of filming, three females (group ( わ ) ) were tested when preg- nant. The reason was that we needed light to film but this produced heat, and as is well known (Kinder, 1927 ) virgin females do not build a sleeping nest when it is t00 warm. But in pregnant females, temperature does not influence the be- haviour as much. The urge t0 build a nest is then very strong. As KoIIer ( 1955 ) has shown, this is due tO the corpus-luteum hormone, progesterone. All three females built immediately; their behaviour is shown in the film. Forty-two inexperienced females (group (c) ) were tested for retrieving and nest building immediately after they had given birth in the experimental cage. Thirty-five of these females retrieved a nestling taken from the corner where they were suckling and deposited in another corner. Only seven of the females did not carry back their babies. ln six of these seven cases the nestlings, which The lnteractions 0 ー Unlearned Behavior Patterns and Learning in MammaIs 85

given an adult rat vvhen they were 5 months 01d. One Of those raised in isolation was tested at 10 months, and five raised in isolation were 2 years 01d when first given a prey. The latter were given chicks. Those tested at the age of 5 months behaved as f0110WS. If the rat remained motionless on the spo し the polecat approached slowly, sniffing with curiosity at the prey and touching it with the paws. Some licked or carefully tried to bite, but they did not attack. If the rat ran towards the polecat, the latter retreated. But as soon as the rat showed flight reactions by running away, the polecat at- tacked it vigorously, trying to grasp and bite it. lt did not direct its attack towards a special part Of the rat's bOdy, as an experienced polecat does, but just bit intO what it grasped, the tail, the shoulder or a leg. Then the rat immediately turned in defence, and the poleca し evidently surprised, released its grip, normally attacking again and again. The more anterior the hOld on its prey, the more difficult was it for the latter to defend itself. If the polecat was successful in grasping the rat's neck, then it could kill the rat easily. The polecats learned the right grip quite rapidly. One killed its first prey within 20 seconds, with only three attacks. Others needed 1 ー 15 minutes, depending on the behaviour of the rat. After having killed four tO six rats, one each day, a polecat was a skilful hunter and its killing bite was always directed towards the neck Of the prey. One female that was bitten by the rat showed fear and on the following 3 days avoided the rat which had been left with her. The rat slept in the polecat's nes し which the polecat avoided. VVhen awake the polecat restlessly ran up and down in the cage. On the fourth day it killed the rat. Ⅱ became a good hunter from then on. The one polecat tested at an age of 10 months got bitten t00 , and it avoided the rat even 1 month later. Unfortunately this polecat escaped. There were no differences between the behaviour 0f those seven raised in isolation and that Of those left with their litter mates. ln both groups, the first attack was released by the fleeing prey, and bOth had tO learn the correct orienta- tion Of the killing bite. There are, however, indications that those raised with litter-mates learned this orientation faster, probably as the result of experience while playing. Four succeeded within 1 minute. The movements described above, such as shaking, killing bite and turning the prey on its back, were observed at the first encounter. Five polecats, at 2 years Of age, were confronted with young chicks of the domestic fowl. They were previously fed with dead chicks. NevertheIess, none of the experimental animals attacked the chicken as long as it did not move. They sniffed at it and only when it ran away did three of the polecats follow and grasp it. TWO 0f them killed ⅱ within a few seconds by bites in its back, one that had not got a very good hold released the grip when the chicken started strug- gling, but killed it with the next bite. A11 three killed thereafter without hesitation, but they did not aim their bites towards the neck of the prey, very probably be- cause these animals, not capable 0f self-defence, did not demand the development 0f a special killing technique. They were equally easily killed by bites in the back, side, ches し or neck. 88 Learning

as reference group but sometimes it did not. An oversimple theory of "assimila- tion intO the community' thus leaves out Of account some Of those whose atti- tudes did and some Of those whose attitudes did not change; they remain unex- plained exceptions. A theory which traces the impact Of Other reference groups as well as the effect Of the membership group seems tO account for 1 cases without exception. The general trend of attitude change for the total group is from freshman conservatism tO senior nonconservatism ()s the term was commonly tO the issues toward which attitudes were measured). During the 1936 presidential election, for example, 62 percent of the freshmen and only 14 percent of the juniors and seniors "voted" for the Republican candidate, 29 percent Of freshmen and 54 percent Of juniors and seniors for Roosevelt, and 9 percent of freshmen as compared with 30 percent Of juniors and seniors for the Socialist or Communist candidates. Attitudes toward nine specific issues were measured during the four years Of the study, and seniors were less conservative in a11 of them than fresh- men; six Of the nine differences are statistically reliable. These differences are best shown by a Likert-type scale labeled PoliticaI and Economic Progressivism (PEP) which dealt with such issues as unemployment, public relief, and the rights 0f organized labor, which were made prominent by the New Deal. lts odd-even reliability was about .9 , and it was given once or more during each of the four years Of the study tO virtually all students. The critical ratios Of the differences between freshmen and juniors-seniors in four successive years ranged 3.9 and 6.5 冫 the difference between the average freshman and senior scores of 44 individuals (the entire class that graduated in 1939 ) gives a critical ratio of 4.3. AS might be anticipated in such a community, i れ d i 日リ叡 prestige ロ s associated てじ〃 0 冂 CO れ serva 日 S ″ 7. Frequency Of ChOice as one Of five students ・ most worthy tO represent the College" at an intercollegiate gathering was used as a measure Of prestige. Nominations were submitted in sealed envelopes by 99 percent Of all students in tWO successive years, with almost identical results. The nonconservatism Of those with high prestige is not merely the result Of the fact that juniors and seniors are characterized by bOth high prestige and nonconserva- tism; in each class those WhO have most prestige are least conservative. For ex- ample, ten freshmen receiving 2 t0 4 choices had an average PEP score 0f 64.6 as compared with 72.8 for freshmen not chosen at all (high scores are conservative); eight sophomores chosen 12 or more times had an average score Of 63.6 as com- pared with 71.3 for those not chosen; the mean PEP score 0f five juniors and seniors chosen 40 or more times was 50.4 and of the fifteen chosen 12 to 39 times, 57.6 , as compared with 69.0 for those not chosen. ln each class, those intermediate in prestige are alSO intermediate in average PEP score. Such were the attitudinal characteristics Of the tOtal membership group, expressed in terms Of average scores. Some individuals, however, showed these characteristics in heightened form and others failed tO show them at all. An ex- amination Of the various reference groups in relation tO which attitude change did or did not occur, and of the ways in which they were brought to bear, will account for a large part Of such attitude variance. 134 Learning

were not protected by nesting material, were so cold, that they seemed nearly lifeless, and did not squeak. Squeaking is, however, one of the sign stimuli for the females, releasing search and retrieving in the mother (Zippelius and Schleidt, 1956 冫 Eibl-EibesfeId し 1958 ). Those retrieving behaved like normally raised mothers, with the only difference that they showed some hesitation in grasping the nestlings and often lost them during transport and had to pick them up again. When the nestling squeaked while being grasped, the female changed the grip, a behaviour which is now being studied in more detail. All forty-two females, including those that did not retrieve, started immedi- ately with the construction Of a nest when, after the retrieving tes し nesting ma- terial was offered. Furthermore they showed the covering Of the nestlings typical for the breeding mother. This will be shown in the film. Our experiments have shown that the handling of solid objects during ontogeny is not a prerequisite for the development Of nest-building and retrieving behaviour. Riess did not realize this and he futhermore overlooked that nest building is a complex behaviour, and therefore did not 100k for the elements which compose it. The several motor patterns which, on the basis of a comparative study of many species Of rodents, had been assumed tO be unlearned 'fixed patterns' ap- peared completely unchanged in the rats reared in the manner employed by Riess. important difference was, however, found between experienced and inex- perienced rats. The sequence in which the above-mentioned motor patterns are used was considerably better adapted tO the function in experienced rats, inex- perienced rats Often employing motor patterns which can develop their function only at an advanced stage 0f the newly built nes し at a very early stage of building at which the patterns in question did not yet perform their function. The question whether ・ nest building' must be learned or not cannot be given a simple answer. Certain essential motor patterns and taxis components are completely indepen- dent oflearning. The proper sequence in which several patterns are best employed t0 perform an integrated function is indubitably learned. But no ethologist had ever doubted—as critics Of ethology Often imply ー that learning processes are Of the greatest importance in behaviour, Lorenz ( 1937 ) has often emphasized that learned and innate elements Of behaviour are interwoven. HiS for example had innate nest-building movements, but had tO learn which material to use for nest building. Eibl-Eibesfeldt ( 1956b ) has recently shown that red squirrels develop individually different techniques 0f nut opening on the basis Of a few innate patterns, such as gnawing and a certain splitting movement. ln retrieving, learning plays a lesser role than in nest building. The inhibi- tion Of biting the nestling seemed even stronger in inexperienced rats. lt would seem that the rat has tO learn that a baby is not SO vulnerable after all. ( り The KiIIing Te ⅲ q 可 the polecat (Putorius 卩耐 0 ⅲ L. ) The following deals with the technique 0f prey killing 0f inexperienced and experienced polecats. Kuo ( 1930 ) has studied the behaviour of cats raised under different conditions towards albino rats, grey Norway ratS and mice. Twenty catS were raised in isolation from weaning, 86 Learning

Sex has been a problem in Mrs. Padilla's life since she was a child. When she was 10 years old she contracted syphilis. At the age of 16 , she told her mother she would be in church, but she and a boy friend went tO a room, rented by the hour, tO have sex relations. The boy's mother found out, and the couple set up housekeeping in a rented room. When the girl became pregnant the couple were legally married, but after 4 years she separated from him. She then returned tO her mother's house and set up the liaison with her present consensual husband, Mr. PadiIIa, withwhom she had had sexual relations before she was divorced from her first husband. Mr. PadiIIa also has a history of sex difficulties. He had premarital sex relations with a number Of different women. Eventually, he married but the marriage broke up. He was not divorced fron ・ 1 his first wife when he contracted a consensual marriage. After a while the second wife went tO New York City. There were two children from the first marriage, none from the second. ln due time, he set up the consensual union with his present wife. Mr. Padilla did not expectto live with this wife for very long. She became pregnant, however, and they entered intO a consensual union. From his point Of view, she was one Of the "flowers" he was 'san ・ tpling" in his pursuit Of a pleasant life. After the establishment of the consensual union and while she was pregnant, he continued to "sample" Other women. The pleasant affair Of the moment" has continued for 7 years. Mrs. Padilla is resentful toward Mr. Padilla over his failure tO obtain a divorce and marry her legally. He has no intention Of being placed ⅲ such a position. Mrs. Padilla realizes she has "the goat but not the rope. ” She is convinced there is little chance Of obtaining the rope, and she fears the loss of the goat unless she can gain a firm hold on him by a legal marriage. The philosophy 0f "pick the flowers as you go through life" has often turned Mr. Padilla's attention tO Other women. ln the yearpreceding Mrs. Padilla's psychotic break, the Padillas experienced each of the six types of problems: A complicated pregnancy was followed by the death of a baby under provocative circumstances; unemployment decimated the family's meager store of economic resources, and Mrs. Padilla's children suffered; when Mr. Padilla did find work he shared his earnings with a "concu- bine"; the interpersonal relations Of the Padillas underwent a series of stress- provoking incidents; as Mrs. Padilla became more disturbed over her husband's behavior, she began to quarrel with the neighbors. Her dream of a legal marriage to him has never been realized—she goads him; he retaliates with infidelity. The breaking point was reached when Mrs. Padilla returned from the hospital and found her ・ 'lazy sister" sitting in the middle of the 日 00r reading with the house "torn to pieces," the 17-day-old twin of the sick infant screaming in the basket, and food and dishes scattered over the 日 00r by the older children. The lastlink connecting Mrs. PadiIIa with reality broke when the baby died. She, in truth, became a loca. 330 lndividual Differences

myself. ” When asked ifthat made her restless or anxious, she replied, "Yes, I have tO keep busy all the time. I can't sit around just dOing nothing. l'm always sewing, doing something t0 keep my hands busy, keep my mind occupied. " When asked if this helped, she said, "I don't keep it 0 幵 my mind, but it helps to pass the time away. " Thus, physical activity was alSO ineffective in decreasing tension. She demonstrated, in addition, the third criterion of ineffective defense, functional impairment. Her relationship with her husband was impaired. Her sexual relations and degree Of satisfaction were quite diminished. She had con- siderable difficulty in getting tO sleep at night and had anxiety dreams about her son. She was consistently overeating and had gained 35 lb. , although her appetite had not increased. lt is, Of course, possible that the compulsive eating was an unsuccessful attempt tO counteract her despair. She had alSO begun tO use a1C0h01 in the same compulsive manner. Thus, she demonstrated much distress, both in the interview and during the course Of her child's illness, little "defensive reserve ' in the interview, and sig- nificant functional impairment throughout the experience. On this basis she was correctly predicted t0 be a high 17-OHCS excretor. LOW 17-OHCS EXCRETOR Subject N was a typical 10W excretor. She was a 31-year-01d mother Of three whose eldest son developed acute leukemia. The bottom part of Fig. 5 shows her 17-OHCS excretion data. She had a total mean of 3.6 mg. / 24 hr. , placing her in the low group. Her highest value was 4.5 mg. / 24 hr. , which fell in the lower part 0f the middle range. There was no overlapping between the range of this 10W excretor's 17-OHCS values and the range 0f values 0f the previous high excretor. Psych010gically, N was a well-organized, highly controlled, obsessional woman with a rather limited range Of affect expression and considerable ability tO use denial effectively. She handled the interview in a controlled and factual manner with only occasional moments Of distress. When she talked Of the initial diagnosis Of her son's leukemia or of the possibility of his death, she did become mildly sad, but there was only minimal evidence Of anxiety, no expression Of guilt, and she seemed able quickly t0 regain her more typical mood state. Much 0f the time she actually seemed t0 be slightly euphoric, particularly when she discussed the religious significance Of her son's illness. She stated that GOd was in complete control, that He was using their family and this disease tO bring His message tO the world, and that her own awareness that her son might die was not accom- panied by painful feeling since her personal life did not matter. She not only denied her distress but also denied the idea that her son's death was inevitable. She believed that he might survive, should God so decide. Her major concern during the interview was with the question Of whether she should go home for a weekend, leaving her son alone in the hospital. She ruminated about the decision in an unemotional way. She was worried that her A Predictive Study 研 Parents FataIIy III Children 251

have encouraged Washoe's babbling by our responsiveness; clapping, smiling, and repeating the gesture much as you might repeat g00 g00 " to a human infant. If the babbled gesture has resembled a sign in ASL, we have made the correct form of the sign and have attempted to engage in some appropriate activity. The sign for "funny was probably acquired in this way. If first appeared as a spontaneous babble that lent itself readily tO a simple imitation game—first Washoe signed "funny," then we did, then she did, and so on. We would laugh and smile during the interchanges that she initiated, and initiate the game our- selves when something funny happened. Eventually Washoe came to use the "funny S1gn spontaneously in roughly appropriate situations. Closely related to babbling are some gestures that seem to have appeared independently Of any deliberate training on our part, and that resemble signs so closely that we could incorporate them into Washoe's repertoire with little or no modification. Almost from the first she had a begging gesture ー an extension of her open hand, palm up, toward one of us. She made this gesture in situations in which she wanted aid and in situations in which we were holding some object that she wanted. The ASL signs for "give me" and "come ' are very similar to this, except that they involve a prominent beckoning movement. Gradually Washoe came tO incorporate a beckoning wrist movement intO her use Of thiS sign. ln Table 1 we refer to this sign as come-gimme. ” As Washoe has come to use it, the sign is not simply a modification Of the original begging gesture. For example, very commonly she reaches forward with one hand (palm (p) while she gestures with the other hand (palm down) held near her head. (The result resembles a classic fencing posture. ) Another sign of this type is the sign for "hurry," which, so far, Washoe has always made by shaking her open hand vigorously at the wrist. This first ap- peared as an impatient flourish following some request that she had made in signs; for example, after making the "open" sign before a door. The correct ASL for "hurry is very close, and we began to use it often, ourselves, in appropriate contexts. We believe that Washoe has come to use this sign in a meaningful way, because she has frequently used it when she, herself, is in a hurry—for example, When rushing tO nursery chair. ん 5 比レ川 2 れ t co れ d ⅲ 0 〃ⅲ g lt seems intuitively unreasonable that the acquisition Of language by human beings could be strictly a matter Of reiterated instrumental conditioning ー that a child acquires language after the fashion Of a rat that is conditioned, first, tO press a lever for fOOd in the presence Of one stimulus, then tO turn a wheel in the presence Of another stimulus, and SO on until a large repertoire Of discrimi- nated responses is acquired. Nevertheless, the so-called "trick vocabulary" Of early childhood is probably acquired in this way, and this may be a critical stage in the acquisition of language by children. ln any case, a minimal objective of this project was tO teach Washoe as many signs as possible by whatever pro- cedures we could enlist. Thus, we have not hesitated tO use conventional pro- cedures Of instrumental conditioning. Anyone whO becomes familiar with young chimpanzees soon learns about their passion for being tickled. There is no doubt that tickling is the most effective 122 Learning

SELECTION ON POLITICAL IDEOLOGY FROM HE RULERS AND THE RULED, POLITICAL POWER AND IMPOTENCE IN AMERICAN COMMUNITIES 火 Ro 汁 E. ハ gge ら D ロⅲ Go 旧 c わ & Bert E. S て va 虧 0 〃 decisional preferences Of most citizens in the four communities seemed tO more influenced by group and personal interests than by ideology. Some citizens were found t0 be apolitical ー they did not see that 10Ca1 government affected per- sonal or group interests tO any great degree in either general or particular de- cisions. These people tended t0 be politically nonparticipant. Among those who did participate were people whO had neither a nationally nor a community- oriented political ideology but did have personal or group interests; people whO had a national ideology which they did not think had 10Ca1 relevance; and people whose political interests were more central and compelling than their ideologies. The proportion of citizens in any of the four communities whose ideologies were Of equal or greater importance than their interests was very small. What, then, was the importance Of ideology? First of all, community politics was found t0 be largely group politics. ReIatively enduring groups of people were found tO be actively involved in the political decision-making 0f a11 four communities. Some 0f these groups followed or overlapped party or factional lines and some cut across them and were irrele- vant t0 the 10Ca1 parties. They tended t0 be differentiated along ideological rather than interest lines. These political groups were Of special importance in community politics because they included those whO were considered tO be the leaders in decision- making by Others in the community. The impulse tO become a leader and Obtain power appeared tO be a manifestation Of interest in proposed local government programs and Of a desire tO maintain or impose an ideology on the leaders Of the community power structure. The latter desire was most intense in the key mem- bers of these political groups ・ The key men were important because they had extraordinary political status and influence, at least within their own groups. Very small 'finner cliques were made up Of articulate ideologists. These were the active spokesmen for the people who wanted interest-based decisional preferences filtered through the proper ideological sieve. They were the men whO in their intimate subgroup operations constituted "a firmly established, authoritative, and continuing or- ganizational center empowered tO decide questions Of doctrine and discipline. *Excerpted from The Rulers ロれ d the Ruled, P01itical PO て催の ld われ po 地ⅱ ce ⅲハ川 2 日 ca れ Communities (New York: J0hn Wiley & Sons, lnc. 1964 ) , pp. 17 ー 22. BY permission 0f John WiIey & Sons, lnc. , and Robert E. Agger. 1 Herbert McCIoskey, PauI ). Hoffman, and Rosemary O'Hara, "lssue Conflict and Con- sensus among party Leaders and F0110wers," T わ 2 ハⅢ e ⅱ c の 1 P01itical Science Rev 池てら V01. LIV, # 2 , June, 1960 , pages 406 ー 427. The Rulers and the Ruled, Political Power and lmpotence in American Communities 415

son might be lonely in her absence, but she did not express concern that a serious criSiS might occur WhiIe She was away. Such a criSiS was a realistic possibility, and she had seen critical episodes Of this sort develop suddenly among the other children on the ward. Of importance for prediction was not only the obsessional preoccupation but also the displacement ontO less threatening concerns. A force- ん 1 attempt by the interviewer t0 evoke distress by challenging her denial was unsuccessful in overcoming her "defensive reserve. Throughout her child's illness, N utilized these same defenses. She reported that although she felt tense, frightened, and despairing for a few days after the diagnosis had been made, these feelings suddenly disappeared when she learned that her congregation was praying for her son. and she realized that his fate was in GOd's hands. From that moment she did not experience any similar intensity of distress and was able to maintain that what happened to her son ultimately did not matter to her since she was simply fulfilling God's plan. She reported an increase in her self-esteem, since her son's illness dispelled her long-standing sense Of being unimportant and gave her an important mission. Functionally, she showed no impairment of sleep, appetite, or sexual behavior, and she carried out her role as a mother effectively. ln summary, She showed effective obsessional defenses and an impressive degree of denial both of the external inevitabilities and of her own feelings. N0t only did these defenses seem highly effective in minimizing her distress but they actually seemed tO permit her tO experience a degree Of pleasurable mood that was not observed in the group Of high excretors. She was correctly predicted tO be a 10W 17-OHCS excretor. DiSCUSSiOY1 These results support the hypothesis that the more effectively a parent defends against the impact 0f the threat 0f loss, the lower will be his chronic mean 17 ー OHCS excretion rate. ln regard tO selection factors, the parents studied were a representative sample 0f all parents who brought their children t0 the National Cancer lnstitute during the study. Only 4 0f the 90 parents whO were available tO participate in the project refused tO dO SO in its 3-year existence. However, these 90 parents may not have been representative Of the class ・ parents Of fatally ill children," since there may have been some selection in the process by which parents brought their children tO the National Cancer lnstitute. lt could not be determined how many parents refused tO accept the initial referral Of their children tO the Na- tional lnstitutes of Health. Among such parents might have been individuals, for example, whO totally denied the existence Of the illness or Others whO decided that it was better not to seek treatment for a fatal illness. We dO not know whether the hypothesis would apply t0 this type of individual. Our subjects may have differed somewhat from the usual normal volun- teers in psychiatric research projects in that their primary reasons for joining the 252 Emotion

1. matic attitude change among most Of the students. As we saw in the first selection in the reader, and will see again in the work Of the Sherifs on group processes, an individual's relations tO hiS main reference groups are among the most important factors in shaping his attitudes. This is, however, perhaps nowhere more clearly illustrated than in Newcomb's observations. By explaining not only why most students changed, but also why some did not, in terms Of their relations tO their reference groups, Newcomb does much t0 help us understand how learning takes place in real life situations. REFERENCES Linton, Ralph: The Study 可 M の 7 , Appleton-Century Company, lnc. , New York, 1936. Schutz, F. : "Objektfixierung geschlechtlicher Reaktionen bei Anatiden und Hühnern," N ロれてⅲ ss の ascha V01. 19 , pp. 624 ー 625 , 1963. ・ Die Bedeutung früher sozialer Eindrücke während der 'Kinder- und Jugendzeit' bei Enten," Z. E ェ卩日 . Ange て v. Psych01. , V01. 11 , no. 1 , pp. 169 ー 178 ′ 1964. Tinbergen, Nich01as: Preface to Claire H. Schiller (ed. ), lnstinctive B 1a ⅵ 0 ら lnternational Universities Press, lnc. , New York, 1957. SELECTION FROM HE INTERACTIONS OF UNLEARNED BEHAVIOR PATTERNS AND LEARNING IN MAMMALS"* ル日わト日 s 角旧 t ん比 0 日リ c 日 0 れロれ d objectives The term innate' as applied tO behaviour patterns has become controversial• Beach, 1954 , Hebb, 1953 , Lehrmann, 1953 , 1956 and Schneirla, 1956 have criticized the ethological approach, which they accuse 0f performing an artificial dichotomy intO innate and acquired patterns. 'l strongly urge that there are not tWO kinds is completely Of factors determining behaviour and that the term "instinct" misleading, as it implies a nervous process or mechanism WhiCh iS Of environmental factors and different from the processes intO which learning *Excerpted from the symposium Brain Mechanisms Learning (Springfield' Ⅲ . : Charles C Thomas, PubIisher, 1961 ) , pp. 53 ー 73. Copyright Blackwell Scientific Publications' Ltd. By permission of Blackwell's and lrenåus Eibl-Eibesfeldt. The lnteractions 0 ー Unlearned Behavior Patterns and Learning in Mammals 81