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1. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

Society. The Social Structure 0 / 1 れ液〃 S ん川 . The participant-observer method allows for direct experience and observation while the processes are in action. This is its chief characteristic. Studies using participant observation usually have four Of the eight characteristics Of experimental methods for social innovations. They define a significant social problem, make naturalistic Ob- servations, use a multidisciplinary approach, and are longitudinal in time. They dO not create new social subsystems, implant them in appropriate social settings, or experimentally compare them; nor dO the researchers, necessarily, take the responsibility for the lives and welfare 0f those members participating in the observed SOCiaI situations. A fifth method establishes new social subsystems by providing services for its members. The Synanon House for drug addicts, as described by Yablonsky ( 1964 ) , is an example of one service program. Alcoh01ics Anonymous ( 1955 ) and sheltered workshops (Olshansky, 1960 ) are examples of others. ln the field of treating mental illness, Maxwell Jones' ( 1953 ) The T わ era 〃 2 耐 ic Community is a classic representative work. lt describes the establishment Of a new social sub- system in a mental hospital. The JOb Corps 0f the antipoverty program is an- Other. lt establishes new learning and living subsystems for the socially deprived. ・ Demonstration projects providing services that create one innovated solution tO a social problem but dO not compare it tO existing practice or alternative solu- tions are here alSO classified as service programs. The limitations placed upon inferences that can logically be made from exploratory projects lacking control or comparative conditions are presented in Chapter 13. This method meets seven Of the eight requirements for experimental social innovation. lt defines a significant SOCial problem, makes naturalistic observations, creates 0 冂 e SOCial subsystem and implants it in the appropriate social setting, is longitudinal in time, assumes responsibility for lives and welfare Of the members participating in it, and uses a multidisciplinary approach. lt does not create different subsys- tems as alternative solutions tO the social problem and, hence, does not design experiments tO compare these created solutions. E 工〃 e 川の社司 methods for social innovation combine features Of these five methods as well as introducing some Of their own. Some examples Of experi- mental social innovation can be found in Madge's b00k The T001s 0 ー Social science ( 1953. pp. 254 ー 289 ). lt can be most clearly understood in the context 0f a recent experimental study completed in a mental hospital• Here' the significant social problem was the effect Of usual hospital treatment upon the recidivism and 10W discharge rate Of chronic mental patients (Fairweather' 1964 ). This problem had been documented in previous studies (Fairweather and Simon, 1963 冫 Fairweather et al., 1960 ). Naturalistic observations were made on mental hospital wards which are the natural social action units Of a mental hospital• A new SOCial organization (subsystem) for an entire implanted on a selected ward while a second experimental ward in the same hospital utilized the traditional treatment subsystem (the existing social prac- tice). An experiment was designed tO compare bOth the outcome and processes 434 The RoIe 研 Psychology

2. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

B ロわⅲ g Following this observation, the toothbrushing routine at mealtime was altered. First, imitative prompting was introduced. Then as the sign became more reliable, her rinsing-mug and toothbrush were displayed prominently until she made the sign. By the 14th month she was making the "toothbrush" sign at the end of meals with little or no prompting; in fact she has called for her toothbrush in a peremptory fashion when its appearance at the end Of a meal was delayed. The "toothbrush" sign is not merely a response cued by the end of a meal; Washoe retained her ability tO name toothbrushes when they were shown tO her at Other times. The sign for "flower ' may also have been acquired by delayed imitation. From her first summer with us, Washoe showed a great interest in flowers, and we tOOk advantage Of this by providing many flowers and pictures Of flowers accompanied by the appropriate sign. Then one day in the 15th month she made the sign, spontaneously, while she and a companion were walking toward a flower garden. As in the case 0f "toothbrush," we believed that she understood the sign at this time, but we had made no attempt tO elicit it from her except by making it ourselves in appropriate situations. Again, after the first observation, we proceeded tO elicit this sign as Often as possible by a variety Of methods, most frequently by showing her a flower and giving it t0 her if she made the sign for it. EventuaIIy the sign became very reliable and could be elicited by a variety 0f flowers and pictures Of flowers. lt is difficult to decide which signs were acquired by the method of delayed imitation. The first appearance Of these signs is likely tO be sudden and unex- pected; it is possible that some inadvertent movement Of Washoe's has been interpreted as meaningful by one Of her devoted companions. If the first observer were kept from reporting the observation and from making any direct attempts tO elicit the sign again, then it might be possible tO Obtain independent verifica- tion. Quite understandably, we have been more interested in raising the frequency Of new signs than in evaluating any particular method Of training. Because the Hayeses were attempting tO teach Viki tO speak English, they were in- terested in babbling, and during the first year Of their project they were en- couraged by the number and variety Of spontaneous vocalizations that Viki made. But, in time, Viki's spontaneous vocalizations decreased further and further tO the point where the Hayeses felt that there was almost no vocal bab- bling from which to shape spoken language. ln planning this project we expected a great deal 0f manual "babbling," but during the early months we observed very little behavior of this kind. ln the course of the project, however, there has been a great increase in manual babbling. We have been particularly encouraged by the increase in movements that involve touching parts Of the head and bOdy, since these are important components Of many signs. AISO, more and more frequently, when Washoe has been unable to get something that she wants, she has burst into flurry Of random flourishes arm-waving. Teaching Sign Language t0 a Chimpanzee 121

3. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

LEARNIN G The anthropologist Ralph Linton once wrote a famous description of the early part 0f a man's day in which he pointed out what culture had invented each Of the articles which the man made use 0f. After using at least three dozen inventions Of ancient and distant cultures during the first half hour of the day, the man was observed to "thank a Hebrew deity in an lnd0-European language that he is 100 per cent American (Linton, 1936 ). While Linton's example was humorous, it does serve t0 point out the importance 0f learning for human beings. Although a11 animals learn, human learning iS cumulative from generation tO genera- tion. The development Of language has made a transmitted culture possible. ln this section we shall 100k at three major research areas within the field oflearning. The first of these is the interaction of heredity and environment. ln the first selection, this topic is approached through the study 0f animal behavior, while in the second we will see how a human being has certain biological limitations on his development 0f a motor 75

4. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

Table 1 T た co れ市日 0 s の 1 日〃 2 or Ⅲのに 2 日ロ for 16 て 'ar 日 0 5 0 ー a 尾 c ゆ roc 〃〃ⅲ g s た (N 精 2 s のれ 2 16 Ss 2 ロ ch co 市日 0 司 T01erance and amplitude conditions l-lb. StyIus 1- oz. Stylus Errors 0 3.35 3.41 2.78 3.65 1.99 2.72 2.05 2.73 0.44 1.09 2.38 1.30 0.00 0 ℃ 8 0.87 0.65 0 3.80 3.83 4.04 4.08 0.88 2 ユ 6 2.32 2.27 0 ユ 3 0.85 1 ユ 7 1.32 0.00 0.09 0.65 1.72 ハ 一 0 ロ 1 《 0- 8 4 ・ -0 「 0 -0 っ】 -0 1 亠つん / / 0 「 0 「 0 0 れ / 8 「 0 -0 4 ・つ 4 -0 1 亠っ 1 「 0 0 ・ 0 4 【 0 1 亠 1 亠「 1 .392 .484 .580 .731 .281 .372 .469 .595 .212 .260 .357 .481 .180 .203 .279 .388 .406 .510 .649 .781 .281 .370 .485 .641 .215 .273 .373 .526 ユ 82 .219 .284 .413 10.20 10.33 10.34 9.58 10.68 10.75 10.66 10.08 9.43 11.54 11.20 10.40 5.56 9.85 10.75 10.31 9.85 9.80 9.24 8.96 10.68 10.81 10.31 9.36 9.30 10.99 10.72 9.50 5.49 9 ユ 3 10.56 9.68 っ一 4 8 -0 っ 4 4 ・ 8 ′ 0 っ 4 4 ・ 8 -0 っ 4 4 8 -0 .25 .25 .25 .25 .50 .50 .50 .50 1.00 1 ℃ 0 1.00 1.00 2.00 2.00 2.00 2.00 NOte. ーハ is the width in inches of the target plate. ハ is the distance in inches between the centers Of the two plates. t is the average time in seconds for a movement from one plate tO the Other. The performance index, ん , is discussed in the text. The average number of errors made in this task was small, only 1.2 % with the lighter stylus and 1.3 % with the heavier one. The 10W incidence of errors indicates that SS successfully adjusted their rate Of performance tO meet changed task conditions. The largest proportion of errors, 3.6 % with the lighter stylus and 4 ユ % with the heavier stylus, was made at the most difficult task condition は = 1 / 4 in. , ハ = 16 in. ). At each amplitude step the percentage of errors for more exacting tolerances was consistently slightly larger than for less exact- ing tolerances; this indicated that SS did not SIOW down their movements quite as much as necessary tO effect the required accuracy at the more exacting conditions. Nor were the errors symmetrically distributed over the error plates. Ss were uniformly accurate in terminating flexor than extensor movements. With the lighter stylus over- and undershoot errors were equally frequent but with the heavier stylus undershoots were about twice as frequent. However, in spite of such consistent trends, the relatively small incidence of errors justifies an analysis Of the data in terms Of the tOtal number Of move- ments made under the various task conditions. 96 Learning

5. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

psychiatric procedure, great use was made of interviews and home visits by our social worker, whereby information could be obtained about general modes Of living and of actual day-by-day interactions between parents and between parents and child. Contacts were made not only with the attacking parent but alSO with the spouse. This was often inevitable, as it was not always possible at first tO know who had attacked the child. Later such contacts were maintained or instituted because the uncovering of problems in the marriage made it obvious that treatment Of both partners was highly desirable. lnterviews, usually rather informal, were held whenever possible with the attacker's parents and other relatives, and occasionally we had the chance to see an abusing mother with her own mother in a jOint interview and tO Observe their interaction. From such sources we obtained information WhiCh corroborated, corrected, or elaborated the memories which the attacker had of his own childhood and upbringing ・ A battery of psychological tests was done on most of our attacking parents, and in some instances, on the non-attacking spouse as ー vell. General characteristics 0 ー the 〃ロ尾れ ts ⅲ the study gro 卩 Ⅱ all the people we studied were gathered together, they would not seem much different than a group picked by stopping the first several dozen people one would meet on a downtown street. They were not a homogenous group, but rather a random cross-section sample of the general population. They were from a11 socioeconomic strata —laborers, farmers, blue-collar workers, white- collar workers, and top professional people. Some were in poverty, some were relatively wealthy, but most were in-between. They lived in large metropolitan areas, small towns, and in rural communities. Housing varied from sub-standard hovels to high-class suburban homes. At both extremes they could be either well-kept or messy. The actual attack on the infant is usually made by one parent. ln our series, the mother was the attacker in 50 instances and the father in 7 instances. We were unable tO be sure WhiCh parent was involved in い VO families, and one family both parents attacked. These general characteristics of the parents in this study, as described above, are significantly different from those reported by EImer1 and others ( 3 , 4 ). The incidence of poverty, alcoholism, broken marriages, and prominence Of certain racial groups iS not significant in our series. dO believe our data are any more accurate than those Of Other reporters, but that different re- ports reflect the inevitable result Of using skewed samples. Social agencies, wel- fare organizations, and municipal hospitals will inevitably draw most of their beaters from 10 Ⅵ℃ r socioeconomic strata. our institution serves a wide range Of socioeconomic groups and iS closely associated With physicians in private medical practice. Obviously, our sample will be skewed in a quite 1 EImer, EIizabeth, 1964 , 1965. "The Fifty Families Study. " Unpublished mimeographed reports from The Children's HospitaI of Pittsburgh. A Psychiatric Study 研 Parents Who Abuse lnfants and Small Children 333

6. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

Table 4 Aspects 可 the ⅲ単 so れ川 2 れ t e 工〃 er 池れ ce relating t0 changing ASPECTS PERTAINING TO INFORMATION PROVIDED BY THE MASS MEDIA Type and quality 0f mass media available in terms 0f S's predispositions' e. g. , his need for and dependence on newspapers, their intellectual level in comparison tO a level which S respects and pays attention tO' their idiom in terms Of whether S could comprehend the message or not, etC. Content Of mass media in terms Of perception Of it as credible or e. g. , internal consistency and logic, manifestness Of propaganda aims, etc. sources tO which content was attributed in terms Of perception Of them as credible or not, e ・ g ・ , use Of testimonials or confessions by members Of reference groups (germ warfare confessions, for example, reprinted in Of use Of 'fimpartial" observers like the lnternational Commission which investigated the germ warfare charges, statements by Western observers' etc. ()e cannot draw definite conclusions about any Of the above points because we have no clear evidence Of any prison policy Other than previously mentioned restrictions on non- Communist media. Whether any Of the mass media affected the prisoner positively or negatively in terms Of the above points seemed tO depend more on the prisoner and his orientation toward mass media than on specific events WhiCh occurred Within prison. ) ASPECTS PERTAINING TO INFORMATION PROVIDED BY CELLMATES Among a number 0f cellmates it was likely that S could find someone with whom he could identify. The presence Of several cellmates made possible the observation Of their interaction and their relationships as a model Of hOW S was expected tO behave in reference tO Others. The presence Of several others whO were a11 unanimous provided information Of high potency by virtue Of its unanimity. The presence Of Others with whom S was living in very close contact made possible a coaching or tutoring relationship in which rapid feedback could be obtained bY S con- cerning any provisional behavior he might engage in ・ Living in enforced close contact with others made it likely that strong feelings (anxietY' guilt, dependency, and hostility) would be stimulated which would heighten the likeli- hOOd Of an identification occurring, either defensively tO avoid deeper conflict or as an aspect 0f growth and the solution 0f identity problems. The presence of several cellmates increased the likelihood 0f there being among them at least one wh0 would be able t0 "see through" and consequently expose any defensive maneuvers on the part Of S tO avoid taking them seriously. ASPECTS PERTAINING TO INFORMATION PROVIDED BY INTERROGATOR AND/OR JUDGE The interrogator was often the only person ⅲ the prison with whom S could identify because of his being the only one capable offulfilling S's intellectual needs (). e. , to discuss his case rationally and unemotionally—this would pertain tO S's wh0 dealt with emo- tional problems by intellectualizing them) ・ The interrogator was often the only person with whom S could identify because he was the only one wh0 was similar to S culturally and intellectually. The interrogator was usually the person whO was seen as responsible for many Of the events which made S dependent and afraid, and hence the only one who could produce changes in condition; this circumstance heightened the probability Of 'fidentification with the aggressor as a defense. oercive Persuasion 13

7. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

have encouraged Washoe's babbling by our responsiveness; clapping, smiling, and repeating the gesture much as you might repeat g00 g00 " to a human infant. If the babbled gesture has resembled a sign in ASL, we have made the correct form of the sign and have attempted to engage in some appropriate activity. The sign for "funny was probably acquired in this way. If first appeared as a spontaneous babble that lent itself readily tO a simple imitation game—first Washoe signed "funny," then we did, then she did, and so on. We would laugh and smile during the interchanges that she initiated, and initiate the game our- selves when something funny happened. Eventually Washoe came to use the "funny S1gn spontaneously in roughly appropriate situations. Closely related to babbling are some gestures that seem to have appeared independently Of any deliberate training on our part, and that resemble signs so closely that we could incorporate them into Washoe's repertoire with little or no modification. Almost from the first she had a begging gesture ー an extension of her open hand, palm up, toward one of us. She made this gesture in situations in which she wanted aid and in situations in which we were holding some object that she wanted. The ASL signs for "give me" and "come ' are very similar to this, except that they involve a prominent beckoning movement. Gradually Washoe came tO incorporate a beckoning wrist movement intO her use Of thiS sign. ln Table 1 we refer to this sign as come-gimme. ” As Washoe has come to use it, the sign is not simply a modification Of the original begging gesture. For example, very commonly she reaches forward with one hand (palm (p) while she gestures with the other hand (palm down) held near her head. (The result resembles a classic fencing posture. ) Another sign of this type is the sign for "hurry," which, so far, Washoe has always made by shaking her open hand vigorously at the wrist. This first ap- peared as an impatient flourish following some request that she had made in signs; for example, after making the "open" sign before a door. The correct ASL for "hurry is very close, and we began to use it often, ourselves, in appropriate contexts. We believe that Washoe has come to use this sign in a meaningful way, because she has frequently used it when she, herself, is in a hurry—for example, When rushing tO nursery chair. ん 5 比レ川 2 れ t co れ d ⅲ 0 〃ⅲ g lt seems intuitively unreasonable that the acquisition Of language by human beings could be strictly a matter Of reiterated instrumental conditioning ー that a child acquires language after the fashion Of a rat that is conditioned, first, tO press a lever for fOOd in the presence Of one stimulus, then tO turn a wheel in the presence Of another stimulus, and SO on until a large repertoire Of discrimi- nated responses is acquired. Nevertheless, the so-called "trick vocabulary" Of early childhood is probably acquired in this way, and this may be a critical stage in the acquisition of language by children. ln any case, a minimal objective of this project was tO teach Washoe as many signs as possible by whatever pro- cedures we could enlist. Thus, we have not hesitated tO use conventional pro- cedures Of instrumental conditioning. Anyone whO becomes familiar with young chimpanzees soon learns about their passion for being tickled. There is no doubt that tickling is the most effective 122 Learning

8. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

actual research evidence on which psychological theories are based. The selections in this collection have been chosen on the basis Of several criteria. One is implied above. With only a few exceptions, selections have been included which give a complete enough account of methodology to permit the reader to evaluate the soundness of the study. Other major considerations in selection have been generality and read- ability. These two are often difficult to satisfy simultaneously. Many contributions to psychology are highly readable but make no significant contribution tO general theory. Many others concern matters of great significance for the field but are SO technically written as tO be completely incomprehensible t0 the beginning student. An effort has been made in this collection tO use only contributions which are both significant and comprehensible. While some Of the selections are not easy reading, it is believed that none of them are unnecessarily difficult. Where a selection is difficult, it is because the ideas which it is presenting are difficult to understand, rather than because they are described in unnecessarily obscure language ・ lmplicit in the concern with generality is the final criterion, which is that studies should contribute tO our understanding of man functioning in a social environment. The selections have been made tO try tO live up tO Lewin s principle that "Nothing is SO practical as a good theory. D ロⅲ日 F. Ⅳ尾〃 c わ

9. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

tional level the prisoner received the support and encouragement Of his cellmates; at the intellectual level he had ample opportunity t0 study the Communist point 0f view and thus t0 rationalize thoroughly any changes he had undergone. But once he left prison he was deprived 0f this support. Whether the new attitudes then persisted or not depended on hOW well integrated they were with the rest of the repatriate's personality and on the likelihood that the repatriate would receive emotional support for the changes from Others he regarded as important. These and Other aspects Of the tOtal experience which relate most clearly tO this process 0f refreezing are shown in Table 5. By way of conclusion, we should like t0 point out that among the influ- enced repatriates we saw some individuals whose change did not persist very long after repatriation and some individuals whO were able tO find social' emo- tiona し and informational support for their new beliefs and attitudes' and whose beliefs and attitudes therefore have persisted. lt is this latter group which empha- Table 5 Aspects of t 〃 2 imprisonment e 工〃 e ⅱ 2 れ ce relating to 尾斤 z ⅲ g EXPERIENCES WITHIN PRISON Communist propaganda as reinforcement Of and justification for confession and attitude change. study of Communist materials within cel し by small group discussion technique involving the following elements: Reading 0f materials ・ Analysis Of materials in the presence Of Others. lmplicit and explicit competition among prisoners in analyzing theory and deriving practical implications. Mutual criticism for incorrect analysis or incorrect attitude toward material• Requirement tO analyze material in reference tO own case, ShOW hOW theory applied to S's own daily behavior. Rationaliza ti on and jus tification Of conclusions presen ted in materi als; generally the conclusions could not be questioned, only justified, e. g. , 'Why are the Americans imperialistic and warmongering?" Showing hOW all activities, no matter hOW trivial, have political implications. Further public self-analysis in reference tO materials, Often as part Of elaborating and deepening the confession; referred tO sometimes as "thought conclusions. Rewarding aspects 0f having re-established comfortable emotional relationships with cell- mates and interrogator. Rewarding aspec ts Of having found a frame Of reference and semantic rules which made communication with Others possible. Lessening or complete removal Of all those pressures described in reference tO unfreezing ・ EXPERIENCES AFTER RELEASE FROM PRISON AND AFTER REPATRIATION Cognitive confirmation Of predictions made by cellmates and authorities regarding events which would occur after repatriation. Location Of significant Others whO support changes made in prison. Sense Of personal integration, in the absence Of prison supports and pressures. oercive Persuasi 15

10. Readings in Psychology; Foundations & Applications

conditions. Awareness Of being observed by a personage with authority in the situation cannot help but be a factor influencing behavior. lt would be a little t00 much tO expect spontaneous reactions when a person feels that his moves toward establishing friendships or his unflattering words and deeds are under scrutiny. The staff was instructed not to plan 〃 0 てじ activities should be carried out, and not tO delegate authority tO any boy. Rather, the aim was tO leave such questions up tO the boys for discussion, planning, organization, and solution. The leaders and "lieutenants" emerged from the ranks of the two experimental groups in the course Of group interaction. S 材川川口 ry of 川口ⅲ results stage た Fr れ d ツ c ん s 地 During Stage I (three days) there were evidences 0f budding friendships among the boys, and Of leaders emerging in these clusters in specific situations. At the end of this period, popularity ratings (sociometric choices) were obtained during informal interviews held on the pretext Of getting suggestions for favored activities and improving the camp. As would be expected from sociometric studies, the result was that boys were clustering intO groups Of two, three, or four boys, as the case might be. The division of subjects into two experimental groups preparatory for Stage Ⅱ was made deliberately t0 split these friendship groups so that the results of the periods 0f group formation and intergroup relations could not be explained on this basis. For example, if tWO boys showed preference for each Other, one was put in one group and the second in the Other group. if more than one friendship choice was made, the boy was put in that group holding the ル 32 計 of his friendship choices. Therefore, at the start 0f Stage Ⅱ , the number 0f friend- ship choices given tO members Of the experimental "in-group was substantially fewer than the number Of friendship choices given tO members Of the experimental out-group (see Table 6.1 ). ln addition, the two experimental groups were equated as much as possible, without violating requirements Of the sociometric results, in respect tO members' size, strength, ability in games, intelligence, and ratings on personality tests Table 6.1. Total 0 た es 可を海 1 2 の 1 日可 Stage ーの 1 日 2 れ d obtained prior t0 camp ()y two psychologists). 可 Stage 〃 ( NO the 尾て沼 rs ロな 0f 〃 ro 〃 or 日 0 れ引 Choices received by: End of Stage I End of Stage Ⅱ Choices made by: Eventual Red Devils EventuaI Bull Dogs Red Devils BulI Dogs Eventual m-group 35.1 % 35.0 % ん - gro リ〃 95.0 % 87.7 % Eventual out-group 64.9 % 65.0 % 〇耐 - gro リ〃 5.0 % 12.3 % An OutIine 研 Social Psych010gy 303