Probably it is a mistake to idealize any stage. Every stage has its weak- nesses, its problems, and its paradoxes, which provide both a potential for malad- justment and a potential for growth. One problem of the autonomous stage is how tO reconcile the need for autonomy with dependence needs, on the one hand, and with exercise of authority on the other. Another paradox is the paradox of responsibility. Piaget ( 1932 ) notes that young children (hence, children at 10W ego levels) consider more blameworthy breaking 15 cups by accident than breaking 1 cup while stealing jam. Older children (hence, on the average of higher ego level) assign blame in accord with motives rather than consequences; so breaking 1 cup while stealing is the worse offense. But at the highest ego levels, which Piaget did not study, one acknowledges responsibility not only for one s motives but aISO for the consequences Of S actions. lndeed, is not com- pletely responsible for one s motives nor completely absolved of responsibility for the consequences Of actions taken from good motives. TO see such unresolved problems is important, lest one run to the conclusion that the person highest on the scale of ego maturity is always the best parent or teacher or therapist. For each stage one can specify the characteristic mode of impulse control and character development, Of interpersonal relations, and Of conscious preoc- cupation, including self-concept. The assertion that these are all aspects of ego development would seem at first to be clearly testable. One need merely devise separate measures Of impulse control and character development, Of interper- sonal relations, and Of conscious content, then correlate. The more deeply one becomes involved in this area, the more it appears that impulse control, charac- ter development, interpersonal relations, and conscious preoccupations are indeed aspects Of a single thing, SO intimately intertwined that one can hardly define much less measure them separately. Erikson, E. H. C / ⅱ旧〃 00d and society. New York: Norton, 1950. Harvey, O. J., Hunt, D. E. , & Schroder, H. M. Co ce 〃 systems の ld 〃 e た so ロ慊 y 0 「 g 保ⅲ za 日 0 ル New York: WiIey, 1961. MasIow, A. H. Mo 日てⅥ日 0 冂の〃 so 冂ロ y. New York: Harper, 1954. MasIow, A. H. To て va a psychology 可 being. Princeton, N. J. : Van Nostrand, 1962. Piage し J. The moral ル dg Ⅲの社可 the cJ ⅱ旧 . GIencoe, Ⅲ . : Free press, 1932. The Meaning and Measurement of Ego Development 299

observers; unless otherwise stated, each phenomenon has been independently confirmed at least once, a second observer simply being asked tO 100k at a new figure without being t01d what the preceding observer had found ofinterest in it. When the figure is first presented, it remains intact for a length of time which depends on its complexity. With a single line as target, the line fades and disappears, leaving the more dimly illuminated field only. Eventually this dis- appears also, replaced by a "rich" or intense black patch. Subsequently it re- generates. A more complex target may behave similarly or it may instead lose one or more Of its parts, in ways that will be described. The time of the first disappearance varies, perhaps because of different levels of attention in the observer or because Of variations in the level Of un- familiar auditory stimulation (Pritchard & Vowles, 1960 ) , but disappearance is quicker with simpler figures. AISO, it has been possible tO determine that a simpler figure such as a line is visible for about 10 per cent Of viewing time, WhiIe a more complex figure as unconnected set Of facial profile (Figures 2 , 3 ) retains at least one of its parts for as much as 80 per cent of the time. Such a comparison can be made directly by presenting two figures simultaneously (). g. Figure 3 ) 冫 or the comparison may be quantified with re- peated separate presentations, during which the observer presses a key whenever the figure is visible (Kader, 1960 ). The greater time during which a more complex figure is present cannot be explained by assuming a random fluctuation 0f threshold in the different parts Of the field. One might conclude, on such an assumption, that one or Other part Of the more complex figure remains visible only because the figure covers more Of the field, and therefore is more likely tO involve an area in which the visual threshold is, for the moment, lower than elsewhere. But, chaotic as the activity Of the figure may seem at first, it still Obeys some rules which relate to the form of the figure itself. lt is these that we are now concerned with. The "rules" may be summarized as follows. A meaningful diagram is visible longer than a meaningless one: an effect possibly related to the fact that attending t0 a diagram keeps it visible longer (Pritchard & Vowles, 1960 ). A straight line tends tO act as a unit (). e. , tO appear or disappear as a whole) even though it extends across the whole 2 degree field; if the line breaks up, the break is likely tO occur at the point of intersection with another line. The several lines Of a triangle, square, etc. , act independently, with the exception that the activity Of parallel lines in a figure is correlated. Jagged diagrams are more active, less stable, than rounded ones: a " good ” figure (Koffka, 1935 ) , is more likely tO act as a complete unit than a poor" figure, and there are occasional observations of completion or regularization of a figure. Finally, there are clearly marked field effects, in which the presence of a figure in one part of the field modifies the activity of parts of a neighbouring figure. These results are illustrated in Figures 3 to 18. Figure 3 shows two curves which are similar except that one is a recognizable profile 0f a face. When they are seen with the apparent fixation point midway between them, the left curve, Visual Perception Approached by the Method Stabilized lmages 45

T 〃 2 Ro 可 Siblings ⅲ Soc 液″ za 石 0 れ An older sibling may be caretaker, teacher, pacesetter, or confidantfor a younger one. The older may (and perhaps almost inevitably does) regard the younger as a rival and may initially express jealousy and hostility but he may also be extremely proud and protective of his younger sibling. A degree of sibling rivalry seems especially likely if the older child is displaced while still highly dependent upon his mother (StendIer, 1954 ). Not only is the displaced child more vulnerable because of his needs, but it is more difficult to give him an understanding Of the advent Of a sibling and make him a participant in this family event. SubsequentIy, on the other hand, siblings closely spaced may be much more closely asgociated in a variety of activities, especially if they are of the same sex (Koch, 1956a ). The child with an older sibling not t00 much his senior will be subject to much more child-level interaction in the first years of life than was his first- born sibling. He will have a less predictable companion, one whose behaviors are more influenced by mood than by internalized norms. Thus, one might anticipate that the younger sibling would acquire greater sensitivity and responsiveness to the moods of other children and would be more comfortable with peers once he has begun t0 move outside the family. Sampson ( 1965 ) has suggested that the early self-concept of the first-born is based very largely on the appraisals re- flected by his parents, while that of later-born children has a large component 0f peer reflections, afforded largely by siblings. lt has also been suggested (Dittes and Capra, 1962 冫 Zimbardo and Formica, 1963 ) that the first-born, confronted by powerful adults, learns to conceal ag- gressive tendencies while the later-born, having a close sibling with whom he can identify as 、 as contend, can more readily express aggression. More- over, parents are likely tO impose constraints on the older, stronger child who aggresses against a younger sibling while they may actually encourage the younger child to stand up for his rights. On the other hand, the older sibling has the possibility offeeling more powerful and competent when he compares himself with a later-born. The literature contains much speculation but little data. There is, however, a rather clear indication that an older sibling can be a helpful model for learning sex-appropriate behaviors. Thus, Brim ( 1958 ) has demonstrated that a boy with an older brother exhibits more masculine be- havior and one With an Older SiSter exhibits more feminine at least at the preschool level. Similar findings, suggesting the persistence of such ten- dencies in later childhood, are reported from a study of fourth-through sixth- grade children, though the pattern appears t0 hold only in two-child families (Rosenberg and Sutton-Smith, 1964 ). lntelligence, ス c ev のれの 1 ら E 川ⅲの 1C2 One Of the most consistent findings relating to birth order is that flrst-born children achieve eminence in higher proportion than do their siblings. As Schachter ( 1963 , p. 757 ) notes in a recent article, . marked s 甲ん ses 可戸トと or れ s ロ ve とれ尾〃 0 ed ⅲ samples 可〃 ro 川ⅲ 2 れ t 川 e 冂 c ロれ川 e れ可比 ers , 可れ司れリれれ尼 rs y 〃 ro 角 S50 , of 2 starred 川 2 れⅲ American Men of Science, 可 2 ogra 〃ん es ⅲ Who's Who, 可 2 ェ - R 0 5 sc 0 and 可のれⅲ 2 れ t 尾 se rch biologists, physicists ロれ d social scientists. Family Structure, Socialization, and Personality 291

reward that we have used with Washoe. ln the early months, when we would pause in our tickling, Washoe would indicate that she wanted more tickling by taking our hands and placing them against her ribs or around her neck. The meaning Of these gestures was unmistakable, but since we were not studying our human ability tO interpret her chimpanzee gestures, we decided tO shape an arbitrary response that she could use tO ask for more tickling. We noted that, when being tickled, she tended to bring her arms together to cover the place being tickled. The result was a very crude approximation of the ASL sign for more" (see Table 1 ). Thus, we would stop tickling and then pull Washoe's arms away from her bOdy. When we released her arms and threatened tO resume tickling, she tended to bring her hands together again. If she brought them back together, we would tickle her again. From time tO time we would stop tickling and wait for her tO put her hands together by herself. At first, any approximation tO the ' sign, however crude, was rewarded. Later, we required closer approximations and introduced imitative prompting. Soon, a very good version of the "more sign could be obtained, but it was quite specific to the tickling situation. ln the 6th month Of the project we were able tO get more" signs for a new game that consisted 0f pushing Washoe across the 日 00r ⅲ a laundry basket. ln this case we did not use the shaping procedure but' from the start' used imitative prompting tO elicit the ' sign. Soon after the ' sign became spon- taneous and reliable in the laundry-basket game' it began tO appear as a request for more swinging ()y the arms) —again, after first being elicited with imitative prompting. From this point on, Washoe transferred the "more ' sign tO all activi- ties, including feeding. The transfer was usually spontaneous' occurring when there vvas some pause in a desired actiVity When S01 れ e Object removed. Often we ourselves were not sure that Washoe wanted "more" until she signed tO us. The sign for "open" had a similar history. When Washoe wanted tO get through a door, she tended to hold up both hands and pound on the door with her palms or her knuckles. This is the beginning position for the open sign (see Table 1 ). By waiting for her to place her hands on the door and then lift them' and alSO by imitative prompting, we were able tO shape a good approximation of the "open" sign, and would reward this by opening the door. OriginallY she was trained tO make this sign for three particular doors that she used every day. Washoe transferred this sign tO all doors; then tO containers such as the re- frigerator, cupboards, drawers, briefcases, boxes' and jars; and eventually —an invention of Washoe's —she used it tO ask us tO turn on water faucets. ln the case of "more" and "open ' we followed the conventional laboratory procedure Of waiting for Washoe tO make some response that could be shaped intO the sign we wished her tO acquire. We soon found that this was not necessary; Washoe could acquire signs that were first elicited by our holding her hands, forming them intO the desired configuration, and then putting them through the desired movement. Since this procedure Of guidance is usually much more practi- cal than waiting for a spontaneous approximation tO occur at a favorable moment, we have used it much more frequently. Teaching Sign Language tO a Chimpanzee 123

' 0 ″ 1 し一〃巨 0 れ S of this kind: Washoe has always been able to transfer her signs spontaneously to new members Of each class of referents. We have already described the transfer 0f "more" and "open. " The sign for "flower" is a particularly good example of transfer, because flowers ln SO many varieties, indoors, outdoors, and in pictures, yet Washoe uses the same sign for a11. lt is fortunate that she has re- sponded well t0 pictures 0f objects. ln the case of "dog" and "cat" this has proved tO be important because live dogs and cats can be t00 exciting, and we have had tO use pictures tO elicit most Of the "dog" and "cat" signs. lt is noteworthy that Washoe has transferred the "dog" sign to the sound of barking by an unseen dog. The acquisition and transfer of the sign for "key" illustrates a further point. A great many cupboards and doors in Washoe's quarters have been kept secure by small padlocks that can all be opened by the same simple key. Because she was immature and awkward, Washoe had great difficulty in learning to use these keys and locks. Because we wanted her to improve her manual dexterity, we let her practice with these keys until she could open the locks quite easily (then we had to hide the keys). Washoe soon transferred this skill to all manner oflocks and keys, including ignition keys. At about the same time, we taught her the sign for "key," using the original padlock keys as a referent. Washoe came to use this sign bOth tO name keys that were presented to her and to ask for the keys tO various locks when no key was in sight. She readily transferred the sign to all varieties 0f keys and locks. Now, if an animal can transfer a skill learned with a certain key and lock tO new types Of key and lock, it should not be surprising that the same animal can learn tO use an arbitrary response tO name and ask for a certain key and then transfer that sign tO new types Of keys. Certainly, the relationship between the use Of a key and the opening Of locks is as arbitrary as the relationship between the sign for "key" and its many referents. Viewed in this way, the general phe- nomenon Of transfer Of training and the specifically linguistic phenomenon Of labeling become very similar, and the problems that these phenomena pose for modern learning theory should require similar solutions. We do not mean to imply that the problem Of labeling is less complex than has generally been sup- posed; rather, we are suggesting that the problem Of transfer of training requires an equally sophisticated treatment. During the phase of the project covered by this article we made no deliberate attempts tO elicit combinations or phrases, although we may have responded more readily tO strings of two or more signs than to single signs. As far as we can judge, Washoe's early use Of signs in strings was spontaneous. Almost as soon as she had eight or ten signs in her repertoire, she began to use them two and three at a time. As her repertoire increased, her tendency to produce strings of two or more signs alSO increased, tO the point Where this has become a common mode of signing for her. We, Of course, usually signed tO her in combinations, but if Washoe's use of combinations has been imitative, then it must be a generalized sort Of imitation, since She invented a Of combinations, such as gimme tickle" (before we had ever asked her to tickle (s). and "open food drink' (for the refrigerator—we have always called it the "cold box ” ). 128 Learning

not been seriously malnourished. He also obtained data on the families of the children in order to see if any differences he found between the tWO groups could be accounted for in terms Of genetic inheritance or social environment. The malnourished sample did show definite signs of intellectual impairment, especially on tasks which required the integration Of in- formation from different sensory modalities. Only one difference in family background was found to be related to whether the child was in the malnourished or adequately nourished sample: If the child's mother was more educated, the child was less likely t0 have been malnourished. As Dr. Cravioto explained in an earlier section Of his paper not quoted here, traditional feeding practices result in infants being less adequately fed than other members of the family. lt may well be that the more- educated mothers are less likely to follow these traditional feeding patterns, and thus more likely t0 provide their children with an adequate diet. Since the data are not yet complete, however, there are Other pos- sible interpretations. The portion Of Dr. Cravioto's paper which is in- cluded here is a discussion Of the possible interpretations Of his results. The second selection in this section deals with effects which are more clearly environmental. Many individuals, on looking back at their childhood, assign considerable importance tO birth order, and start their history by saying, for example, "l was the youngest 0f four children On the other hand, there are many factors which might and SO change the meaning Of being born in a certain position, such as the spacing, sex, and personality characteristics 0f the children. Being the second 0f two closely spaced boys and being the second 0f two widely spaced girls might not have similar effects at a11. lt is perhaps because Of these complications that research has, until recently, failed t0 discover any significant effects 0f birth order. With 1 ore refined measurement techniques and more comprehensive studies, however, some differences among people born in various positions are now coming t0 light. Being the eldest child has special meaning' in that the first child is likely t0 get more parental attention, even though this greater attention iS sometimes in punishment. after other children are born, there is a tendency for the parents tO pitch the conversation level in the home tO the level Of understanding 0f the Oldest child. The research reviewed by J. A. Clausen in the second selection provides some support tO common sense, for it reveals that these dif- ferences in family environment are likely tO make the first child more serious and adult oriented than the Other children. Just as casual observers have noted that the first child was likely t0 have considerable responsi- bility in caring for younger siblings and thus t0 be more grown up and responsible, the research literature indicates that the first born is more Development 0 ー the lndividual 279

mother tends tO be more closely involved (perhaps in b0th affection and authority) with the youngest (Clausen, 1965 冫 A. F. Henry, 195 乙 Sears 可司 . , 1957 ). The Sears study found that mothers tended tO be more demonstrative Of affection with the youngest child, but only in families Of three or more children. One of the most consistent findings with reference to parental behavior toward children Of different ordinal positions relates t0 the use of physical punishment. At any given age level the youngest son or daughter is less likely t0 be spanked or slapped than is a first-born son or daughter Of the same age. This seems to be true for children of five (Sears 可司 . , 1957 ) and for children of ten or eleven (CIausen, 1965 ). Among fifth-grade boys for example, 44 per cent of the last-born had been physically punished within the previous six months, as against 84 per cent Of those wh0 were first-born; among a comparable sample 0f girls the differences ⅲ proportions physically punished were less great ー 43 per cent Of last-born as against 55 per cent Of first-born —but the first-born were much more likely tO have been spanked more than once or twice. Differences in punishment received by first-born and later-born children are much sharper for families of three or more children than for two-child families. There iS evidence that parents become somewhat more consistent in their child-care practices as they gain experience with a second and third child (LaskO, 1954 冫 Stout, 1960 ). A high proportion of parents report themselves more relaxed with later-born children than with their first-born (McArthur, 1956 冫 R. R. Sears, 1950 ). One might expect somewhat greater permissiveness on the part of parents with their later-born children, especially in terms of tolerance of a wider range Of behaviors and less readiness tO invoke harsh measures Of control. lt appears that age Of the parents is alSO a relevant consideration; older mothers Of young children appear t0 be both warmer and more indulgent even with a first- born than are younger mothers (Rosen, 1964 冫 Sears 可司 . , 1957 ). On the other hand, with increasing family size there is, as we have seen, a greater tendency tO impose rules. Moreover, in mediating between children and coping with in- creased pressures, parents are likely tO respond more in terms Of the immediate situation and perhaps less consistently in terms Of abstract principles. There are then countervailing influences which may well cancel each other out. Equally significant influences derive from changing patterns 0f attitude and practice in child rearing, especially in the middle class. The first-born child reared "by the b00k" in the late 1940 ' s , when permissiveness was the order 0f the day, probably experienced a somewhat different regime from that experienced by a first-born reared by the bOOk in the late 1950 ' s , when limit-setting was again being stressed. Such variation associated with social change may well obscure differences in permissiveness associated With sibling order. The differences in parental restrictiveness and control between first-born and later-born children that have been observed in the studies cited above are slight and suggest that family size and Other factors dO, indeed, exert countervailing influences. Parental behavior toward the child is only one aspect Of the socialization experience that is influenced by sibling order and composition. The first-born child has no し within the family group, a child model. His siblings do. 290 Development 0 ー the lndividual

in the Red Devil group, L was more popular than S, who was second ⅲ popu- larity; however, S was the acknowledged leader of the group and became the focus Of power because of his undisputed authority over L and other high-status members. ln the Bull Dog group, H exerted more power than his popularity rating indicates because 0f his ability and acknowledged leadership in athletic events. He was "team captain" for that group, although he always yielded tO the overallleadership of C, the Bull Dog leader. Even in athletics, H deferred to C's expressed wishes or decisions if C stepped in. AS these sociograms indicate and observations substantiate in detail, the status structures Of the two groups were different. Chiefly because Of the par- ticular leadership role achieved by C, the Bull Dog group tended to be more stabilized and better coördinated in specific activities than the Red Devils. ln the Red Devil_ group, the leader, S, was more of a daredevil. Though admired by all, his control was exerted chiefly by manipulating his lieutenants, whO swung the rest Of the group intO line. POPULARITY 10 RECIPROCATED ( 旧 0 に ES ONF-INAY CHOICES SHDIO 工し」 0 MAflVNflN 0 。つ Figure 6.8 Red Devils—の ld 可 Stage 〃 , in-group r 川 io れ . (From M. S 〃のの ld C. レ l/. S 〃 Groups in Harmony and Tension. New Yo : H ロ甲を Brothers, 1953. 丿 An Outline 研 Social Psychology 305

Table 1 Fo 尾 es acting 0 t 2 〃 SO 〃 er ⅲ尾 g 保 r 日 tO てⅲ〃ⅲ g ess tO confess Toward confessing Fear for self or others Desire tO comply tO ano ther ・ Desire tO relieve pressure from cell mates Desire tO relieve pain Desire tO achieve relationship with cellmates Need tO rationalize anxiety resulting from unconscious guilt Desire tO adapt, tO achieve a sense Of reali ty Desire tO "settle case" and be released Need tO attach felt guilt tO concrete behavior Others Against c onfessing Fear Of violating S own Fear Of behaving inconsistently with self-image Fear of loss of integrity (giving in) lnability to be intellectually dishonest Fear Of violating reference group norms Fear Of future consequences Fear of being punished for untruth by authorities and cellmates Unwill ingness tO be coerced Others lt should be noted that the more forces there are on each side and the more intensely these forces are brought tO bear in the struggle between the prisoner and the agents, the greater will be the likelihood 0f confession. This is the case simply because Of the exhaustion resulting from the continuing inner conflict in the prisoner (this exhaustion encourages confession by increasing the desire tO relieve pain). ln Other words, the continuing inner conflict operates along with sleep deprivation and Other physically exhausting devices tO motivate the pris- oner t0 accept the only solution permitted—confession. Psych010gically the only other solution possible is tO convert the situation intO one permitting an escape from the field. ” The prisoner may become psychotic or develop psychotic-like defenses; i. e. , he may imagine that his impulse tO confess is telepathically intro- duced intO him by the authorities and therefore must be doubly intensively resisted, or he may become impervious tO the accusations humiliations imposed by the cellmates by psychologically not hearing them. Confession was a behavioral commitment which was initially out Of line with the prisoner's values or his image Of himself, but the attitude change Of the type which was demanded in thought reform was tantamount tO a change in this very image Of self. Such attitude change involved a more fundamental kind Of unfreezing in that the person s perceptions Of and attitudes toward himself are typically more stably organized and more widely integrated intO the per- sonality than Other kinds Of attitudes. One would expect even more resistance on the part Of the prisoner, therefore, with respect tO changing such attitudes than with respect tO confessing. The kinds Of forces which were acting on the prisoner with respect tO this unwillingness are exemplified in Table 2. Both those forces which preceded confession and those which succeeded confession are included because attitude change Often began before confession 4 lntroducti on

to 2.5 units for Ss who accept more than the minimal inducement, i. e. , eat more than one grasshopper. Unfortunately, these results are not statistically signifi- cant because Of the relatively small sample size left after eliminating all those whO did not eat or refused to endorse the food. However, the measure appears to Offer some validity for the hedonic attitude scale, and the pattern of results complements those obtained by frequency and scale distance measures of private acceptance Of the experimental fOOd. ln passing it should be mentioned that there is a weak but consistent generalization effect Of attitude change toward grasshopper upon other survival fOOds. While changes in grasshopper attitudes are unrelated to changes in non- survival foods, the generally positive change for grasshopper eaters is reflected in group positive changes on 9 Of 12 comparisons of other survival foods for both army and college Ss. Similarly, the negative change for noneaters is mirrored by group negative changes on 9 of 12 comparisons. This effect is more consistent for the negative than the positive-communicator condition. PRETEST SENSITIZATION A group Of Ss was run without first asking their attitudes toward grasshopper and the other survival foods. They did receive a pretest but it included only usual army fOOds tO be evaluated. This was done in order to assess the sensitizing effect of mentioning grasshopper and survival foods on attitudes. Although a t-test on post-grasshopper attitudes for Ss with and without the grasshopper pretest did not yield significant results は = 1.30 , 〃 < .20 ) , nevertheless, there is a consistent effect Of this treatment. The effect Of the pretest made post-at- titudes toward grasshopper more negative in six of eight groups (and in one by as much as 2 ℃ scale units). Thus it appears that pre-exposure to the specific issue Of eating grasshoppers and the general issue Of survival fOOds increased negative reactions toward each. This in part could be observed from comments Of derision made by a few Of the men in the pretest condition. Since the no-pretest SS were physically separated from the pretest SS, they were not influenced by such comments or by personal anticipatory reactions tO the thought Of eating the fOOds. COMMUNICATOR CREDIBILITY positive communicator iS perceived having more positive traits an absence Of negative ones ()n the adjective check list), while the negative com- municator iS characterized by a greater number Of negative traits and a lesser degree Of positive traits. ln the college sample, the positive communicator was seen as having more positive traits than the negative communicator (F = 17.96 , 卩 < .001 ) and also as having fewer 0f the negative traits (F = 8.18 , 〃 < .001 ). The same effect holds for both the group-interaction and separated army Ss on tOtal score, as well as for individual analyses Of positive and negative traits, the F values for each comparison being greater than 10.0 ( 〃 < .001 ). 208 Motivation