s 2 可日花 cage staring intO space, 川 OSt unaware Of わ円・ⅲ〃 t 0 「可ん 4 ″Ⅲⅱわにⅲ gs. 20 の 1 て v の 1 日花 y との・た 2 日の 1 日尾円花日日花わ a わ y. T / 尾 was 0 sign 0. f Ⅲロ川 尾 s 〃 0 es. ロ d て司 12 れ the infant ロ〃卩 ro ロ che 日 and ロ忖 2 川卩 d contact, 日Ⅲ 0 日 r 尾 - わ可角 d 汁 , 可 t の 1 て卍 1 vigor. T わ 2 2 工 t れ 00 unmothered 川 0 の・ s constantly 尾伝ィ″ ed けロ〃〃 ro ロ ches 可 2 耘ⅲ角とらⅲロ d 日 i 日 0 を e 甲ィの ltly の lgage 日ⅲロ司の 1 日ⅱ〃「 0 て 10 た e 日ロ忖ロ c 燔 . They struck の r わロわ池 s , 川 0 耐厖日 them roughly, の〃 / le 日精 e 汁 faces intO 精ビてⅲ尾 - 川 es 〃尸 00L T ん 2 attacks see Ⅲ 2 日 tO be exaggerated ⅲ the presence 0 ー Ⅲれの 1 beings, の「 this reason ロ〃朝「Ⅲ testing て艝ロわ 0 ⅱ ed for 精尾 e days for 日花日ⅲⅢ 1 Ⅲ 0 e 尾日川 0 精わ eca e て角ロ尾日 for 2 町 2 可 the i 可の止月 / 0 r 精Ⅲ 1 Ⅲ 0 2 尾日川 0 の・ⅸ月 0 尾日 and 尾ル c 地 d ん円 - ⅲ . f の社社日月 Ot e 工 / ⅱわ ex- cessive cruelty. These observations do suggest that there may be some connection between the lack of early ・ being mothered" experience and deficits in later parental function. There are, however, some 、 significant differences between the being mothered experience of Harlow's monkeys and that of abusing parents. The monkeys were raised not only without motherliness but without any positive or negative actions from their wire-cage or clOth mothers. Abusing parents have not had as infants nearly enough motherliness, but at the same time were exposed tO very active caretaking behavior from their mothers coupled with demand and criticism. Their resultant behavioral deficit is in motherliness rather than in practical mothering. The infant monkeys are possibly more like the babies who developed hospitalism as a result 0f more totally deficient mothering as described by Spitz ( 27 , 28 ). Robertson ( 29 ) described a milder form of the same condition developing in infants whose mothers were moderately indifferent, a100f , and uninvolved. THE EARLY ORIGIN OF MOTHERLINESS AND ITS VICISSITUDES ln several papers ( 23 , 30 , 31 , 32 ) , Benedek has described the mutually rewarding symbiotic relationship between mother and infant and its crucial importance for the baby's immediate well-being and future development. ln particular, she stresses the appearance in the infant Of a fundamental sense Of confidence that needs will be met, a phenomenon related primarily tO the feeding situation but also tO other aspects Of being cared for. By using Benedek's formulations, we can see why abusing parents have been unable t0 develop an adequate ability in the sphere Of motherliness. They did not have, as far as we can tell from our data, the experience in infancy Of a fully satisfying symbiotic, confidence-pro- ducing relationship with their mothers. lt is recognized that around the age Of three months an infant begins tO change from the primary narcissistic state Of undifferentiation tO the first aware- ness 0f the self as separate from the object world; the I and the non-l are begin- ning t0 be established. The infantile experience 0f the outside world, the mother, is a mixture Of pleasure-giving need satisfaction and Of pain-producing frustra- tion. These two images Of the mother provide the material for the first primal identification, the pleasure-giving mother introjected as the first basis Of the ego 342 Development 研 the lndividual

全 - 画 i 画 i 亘 : ONE - WAY VISION WINDOVV PLE 刈 GLAS TUNNEL BARS MESH ノノ START VISUAL EXPLORATION 「レ内レノ レ / い「レ SHELF START BOX ー CLOTH ー MOTHERS LADDER Figure 4 Playroom test si れ ua 日 0 ル is our playroom, illustrated in Figure 4 , which consists of a room 8 feet high with 36 feet of 日 00r space. ln this room are a platform, ladder, revolving wheel, and flying rings tO encourage the infants' adaptation to a three-dimensional world, and there is an assortment of puzzles and toys for quieter activities. Two groups 0 孖 our infants each, half of each group male and half female, have been observed in the playroom daily over many months. The second apparatus is shown in Figure 5. This is the playpen situation, and it consists of four large living cages and adjoining pens. Each living cage houses a mother and infant, and a three- inch by five-inch opening in the wall between cage and playpen units enables the infants tO leave the home cage at any time but restrains the mothers. The playpen units are separated by wire-mesh panels WhiCh are removed い a PLAYPEN UNITS ENTR. ENTR LIVIN(, C,AGE ENTR. ENTR. 3 に 30 ” Figure 5 P y 〃 2 れ test s ⅲ日 0 れ . 174 Motivation

inep し and ineffectual. NO matter what the patient as a child tried to do, it was not enough, it was not right, it was at the wrong time, it bothered the parents, it would disgrace the parents in the eyes of the world, or it failed to enhance the parents' image in society. lnevitably, the growing child felt, with much reason, that he was unloved, that his own needs, desires, and capabilities were disre- garded, unheard, unfulfilled, and even wrong. These factors seem t0 be essential determinants in the early life Of the abusing parent; the excessive demand for performance with the criticism Of inadequate performance and the disregard of the child as an individual with his own needs and desires. Everything was oriented toward the parent; the child was less important. From another descriptive standpoint, a11 of our parents were deprived as infants and children. VVe are not concerned here with material deprivation. Some were raised in poverty With great material deprivation, Others in average circum- stances, and a few in the midst Of material abundance and wealth. We are refer- ring tO deprivation Of basic mothering ー a lack Of the deep sense Of being cared for and cared about from the beginning 0f one's life. When describing this de- privation Of mothering, we dO not imply that our patients have lacked maternal attention. Usually, they have been the Object Of great attention. Their mothers have hovered over them, involving themselves in all areas of the patient's life throughout the years. But again, this has been in a pattern Of demand, criticism, and disregard designed tO suit the mother and leave the patient out. Our very strong belief in the importance of "the lack of mothering as a most basic factor in the genesis Of parental abuse is based on several things. First, it is based on the recollections given by patients Of their unrewarding experiences with their own mothers. They documented their ideas with many reported inci- dents from early childhood up to the present and felt this type of relationship had been there "all their lives. ” Even allowing for the inevitable distortions, exaggera- tions, and omissions in patients' stories Of their lives, we could not avoid the great significance Of this consistently reported pattern. ln addition, we occasionally had the experience, both enlightening and distressing, 0f talking tO the abusing parent and her mother together. On these occäsions, it was possible tO observe many Of the interactions which our patient had previously described. Her mother would "take over," answer questions directed tO the daughter, tell the daughter what to answer, indicate in many ways what she expected the daughter tO dO, and either overtly or implicitly criticize and belittle her, all without paying attention tO what the daughter was thinking, feeling, or trying tO dO. From spouse and siblings we have had further corroboration 0f the abusing parent's life st0 . Of great interest to us has been the scant but suggestive data concerning the childhood experience of some of the abusing parents' parents. From what our patients know Of their own parents' lives, from what they (the grandparents Of the abused child) themselves told us, and from bits of information from aunts and uncles, it appears that the grandparents, t00 , were subjected tO a constella- tion Of parental attitudes similar tO that described above. 込 believe we have seen this style 0f child rearing or pattern 0f parent-child relationship existing in three successive generations. Unwittingly and unfortunately, it is transmitted 338 Development 0 ー the lndividual

which did not fit this formulation, many theorists fell back on an opera- tional approach which simply listed reinforcers without specifying what distinguished them from nonreinforcers. The first selection in this section gives one of the most recent answers tO the question, "What is reinforcing?" Drawing heavily on research in ethology which made clear that there are important dif- ferences in the behavior of different species of animals, it suggests that motivation can be understood in terms Of the organism's adaptation tO its environment. An organism would be very unlikely tO survive if evolu- tion had not made those behaviors enjoyable which were necessary to its survival. Glickman and Schiff thus propose that there are many diverse adaptive behaviors which are positive reinforcers, generally correspond- ing tO behaviors in which the organism approaches a stimulus object. These approach behaviors include such diverse acts as exploring a new environment, consuming food, or attacking prey. Similarly, stimuli which call out such avoidance behaviors as flight or freezing in terror are thought tO be innate negative reinforcers. One of the strengths of Glickman and Schiff's theory of reinforce- ment is that it enables psychology to deal with the observations Of the ethologists. For the drive-reduction theorist, observations such as Eibl- Eibesfeldt's on the polecatlearning to attack new types of prey are very difficult to explain. Learning does take place. What drive is being re- duced? Glickman and Schiff's formulation answers this question by suggesting that the act 0f attacking prey is innately reinforcing for a predator. Direct evidence on this question is provided in the second selection. Roberts and Kiess found that a cat would learn a maze for the reinforce- ment Of being able tO attack a rat, if it were electrically stimulated in an area 0f its brain which has been found t0 call out predatory behavior. While their study does not indicate what stimuli in the natural environ- ment usually activate this brain center, it does shOW that attack is posi- tively reinforcing for a predator when the center is activated. Glickman and Schiff's theory is also better able than drive-reduc- tion theory tO account for Harry Harlow's observations on monkeys, which are the subject matter of the third selection. Before Harlow's research, drive-reduction theorists had generally explained the acquisi- tion Of SOCial motives in terms Of reduction Of the hunger drive. Because social responses by the mother accompanied feeding 0f the infant, they were thought tO become secondary reinforcers through being paired with drive reduction. This explanation was seriously called intO question by research conducted by Harlow. Raising baby monkeys with surrogate mothers made Of either bare wire or wire with a clOth covering, he found that the monkeys preferred the cloth mother even if they were fed only the VVire one. The monkeys seemed tO an innate 'lcontact com- fort" motive which served as the major basis Of the relationship with the mother. 148 Motivation

The mother tries to encourage her to 100k at the toys, but Mary again hides her face in her mother's skirt and repeats in an exaggeratedly babyish voice, "Mommy, mommy, mommy!" A dramatic young lady: I am not even quite sure that she is not hiding a smile. I decide to wait. Mary does make a decision. Still holding on to her mother, she points to a (girl) doll and says several times quickly and babyishly, "What that, what that?" After the mother has patiently explained that it is a d011Y , Mary repeats " D011Y , d011Y , dolly," and suggests in words not understandable to me that the mother take off the dolly's shoes. The mother tries to make her perform this act herself, but Mary simply repeats her demand. Her voice becomes quite anxious, and it seems that we may have tears in a moment. Now the mother asks if it is not time for her to leave the room and wait outside as she has told Mary she would. I ask Mary whether we can let her mother go now and she, unexpectedly, makes no objection, not even when she suddenly finds herself without anybody to lean on. I try to start a conversation about the name of the d011 , which the mother has le in Mary's hand. Mary grasps it firmly around the legs and suddenly, smiling mischievously, she begins to touch various things in the room with the d011 ' s head. When a toy falls from the shelf, she 100kS at me to see whether she has gone t00 far; when she sees me smile permissively she laughs and begins tO push smaller toys, always with the doll's head, in such a way that they fall t00. Her excitement increases. With special glee she stabs with the doll's head at a toy train which is on the 日 00r ⅲ the middle of the room. She overturns a11 the cars with growing evidence of a somehow t00 exciting kind Of fun. As the engine overturns she suddenly stops and becomes pale. She leans with her back against the sofa, holds the d011 verti- cally over her lower abdominal region, and lets it drop on the 日 00r. She picks it up again, holds it over the same region, and drops it again. While repeating this several times, she begins first tO whine and then to yell, "Mommy, mommy, mommy. The mother re-enters, sure that communication has failed, and asks Mary whether she wants to go. I tell Mary that she may go if she wishes but that I hope she will be back in a few days. QuickIy calmed, she leaves with her mother, say- ing good-by t0 the secretary outside as if she had had a pleasant visit. Strangely enough, I t00 felt that the child had made a successful if inter- rupted communication. With small children, words are not always necessary at the beginning. I had felt that the play was leading up to a conversation; and at any rate the child had conveyed tO me by counterphobic activity what her danger was. The fact Of the mother's anxious interruption was, Of course, as significant as the child's play disruption. Together, they probably explain the child's babyish anxiety. But what had she communicated with this emotional somersault, this sudden hilarity and flushed aggressiveness, and this equally sudden inhibition and pale anxiety? The discernible mode content had been 〃わⅲ g things, not with her hand but with the doll as an extension of her hand; and then 日 ro 〃〃ⅲ g the same doll from the genital region. 270 Emotion

0 8 6 4 2 0 8 6 4 2 0 NOISSAS 当一 0 し S NVAVN — MALE ・・・ FEMALE 7 3 1 5 9 30 DAY AGE BLOCKS Figure 12 Frequency 可 occur ・ rence 可 " ro g わーれ床れⅢル " ロ y for れ vo 川 es ロれ d れ 00 川 es ⅲ 2 卩 yroo 川 ro リ g 2 戸 r 計 year of 町 e. 11 lt is possible that the listener has been dismayed by the frequent reference tO sex and the relatively infrequent reference tO affection. Out Of these infantile behavior patterns, both sexual and nonsexual, develop the affectional bonds and the social ordering that appear tO be important or even essential tO the full de- velopment Of the heterosexual affectional system Of macaques. Traumatic affec- tional errors, bOth transient and prolonged, may have devastating effects upon subsequent SOCial and sexual behaviors. For some years we have been attempting tO establish experimental neuroses in infant monkeys by having them live on unfriendly and inconsistent mother surrogates. One preparation was a rejecting mother that on schedule or demand separated her baby when a wire frame embedded in her spun-nylon covering was displaced violently upward and backward. The baby was disturbed, but as soon as the frame was returned tO its resting position, the baby returned tO cling tO its surrogate mother as tightly as ever. Next we developed an air-blast mother with a series Of nozzles down the entire center Of her bOdy which released compressed air under high pressure —an extremely noxious stimulus tO monkeys. The blasted baby never even left the mother, but in its moments Of agony and duress' clung more and more tightly t0 the unworthy mother. Where else can a baby get pro- tection? Apparently our infant had never read Neal Miller's theory that avoidance gradients are precipitous and approach gradients gradual and tenuous' for love conquered all. We next devised a shaking mother, which on schedule or demand shook her infant with unconscionable violence until its teeth chattered. The infant endured its tribulations by clinging more and more tightly. At the present time we believe we may be on the threshold 0f success through Jay Mowbray's creation 0f the porcupine mother, which extrudes brass spikes all over its ventral surface. Preliminary studies on two infants suggest that they are emotionally disturbed. The Heterosexual Affectional System in Monkeys 179

Figure 14 Typical わⅲ or 0f Ⅲ 1 川 0 2 尾 d mo er 地て 0 ロ〃 er ⅲ角れ t. M0ther 100king 以 p “て司 2 crushing 〃”わロわ Y against 精 2 cage 卩 00L contribution tO our research program. If normal sexual member Of our observational team ever saw it, and had a female become preg- nant, we would have believed in parthenogenesis. But let us return to the monkeys that we left on the island and the older ones that we left in their cages. A year has passed, and the frustrations that bOth we and our monkeys experienced are in some small part nothing but a memory. We constructed larger and more comfortable breeding cages' and we designed a very large experimental breeding room 8 feet by 8 feet by 8 feet in size with ap- propriate platforms and a six-foot tree. Apparently we designed successful sera- glios for I can report that not all love's labors have been lost. lt does appear that the males are completely expendable unless they can be used in a program 0f artificial insemination. Certainly we can find no evidence that there is a destiny that shapes their ends unless some Skinnerite can help us with the shaping pro- cess. We have, however, had better success with some Of the females, particularly the females raised on clOth surrogates ・ Even SO, one Of the wire-caged-raised females iS a mother and another iS pregnant. Three cloth-surrogate females are mothers and four or five are ex- pectant. We give all the credit t0 three breeding males. One, Smiley, does not take "no" for an answer. Smiley has a way with females. Patient, gentle, and per- suasive, he has overcome than planned program Of passive resistance. The Heterosexual Affectional System in Monkeys 183

means 0f livelihood, had shown impatience with her during her usual morning visit to him in the bathroom. ln fact, he had shoved her out of the room. As he told me later, he had angrily repeated the words, 'iYou stay out of here!" She had liked tO watch the shaving process and had alSO on recent occasions ()O his slight annoyance) asked about his genitals. A strict adherence tO a routine in which she could dO, say, and ask the same thing over and over again had always been a necessary condition for Mary's inner security. She was "heartbroken" over the consequent exclusion from the father's tOilet. We also discussed the fact (which I have already mentioned) that Mary's disturbed sleep and foul breath had been attributed by a pediatrician t0 a bad condition 0f the tonsils, and that the mother and the physician had engaged in a discussion in front Of Mary as tO whether she needed an immediate operation or not. 〇〃 er ロ日 0 ⅱ , then, and se 〃ロ「ロ日 0 are seen tO be the common denominators: the actual operation on the finger, the anticipated operation Of the tonsils, and the mythical operation by which boys become girls; the separation 丘 om her mother during play-school hours, and the estrangement from her father. At the end Of the first hour Of play observation, then, this was the closest we could come to meanings on which all 0f the play elements and biographic data seemed to converge. The antithesis of play disruption is play satiation, play from which a child emerges refreshed as a sleeper from dreams which "worked. " Disruption and satiation are very marked and very clear only in rare cases. More often they are diffused and must be ascertained by detailed study. But not so in Mary's case. During her second appointment she obliged me with a specimen of play satiation as dramatic as that Of her play disruption. At first Mary again smiles bashfully at me. Again she turns her head away, holding on to her mother's hand and insisting that the mother come with her intO the room. Once in the room, however, she lets her mother's hand go and, forgetting about the mother's and my presence, she begins to play animatedly and with obvious determination and goal-mindedness. I quickly close the door and motion the mother to sit down, because I do not want to disturb the play. Mary goes to the corner where the blocks are on the 日 00r. She selects two blocks and arranges them in such a way that she can stand on them each time she comes tO the corner tO pick up more blocks. Thus, play begins again with an ex- tension Of extremities, this time her feet. She now collects a pile of blocks in the middle of the room, moving to the corner and back without hesitation. Then she Figure 1 272 Emotion

Despite Sally's ロわ ty tO 尾 many instances Of 2 〃 00r 尾日 0 わゆ載 ) な〃 わ er 川 0 e ら s 〃 2 んロ d ever わ 2 1 ロと tO 卩尾 ss criticism directly her Ⅲ 0 er , or could she countenance ロ y 2 工〃尾 ss 月可 criticism 可 the 川 0 け r を 0 Ⅲ日 psychia- 比れ〇 ce 可 t の - having ロれⅲ rv てじて t 〃日花川 0 er , the psychiatrist s 〃 0 た 2 tO Sa 〃 y's わリ訪の , Bo し , saying 厖 co リ旧 "see わ 0 て v Sally Ⅲⅸわロ怩な怩Ⅳ 市″ i ロ get のⅣⅲ g Ⅲれⅲ好を 0 川川 0 er. " BO わ尾〃 2 ロ地日 this to Sally て v わ 0 尾 s 卩 0 ⅱ ded by refusing 地 see 2 psychiatrist ロ g ロⅲ for ロ卩 2 0d 可リ r mo ⅱ礒 s. S わ 2 なな she had 計 g Ⅲ 1 / m02 ロ good 尾日 0 れ s わゆて v 卍 1 わ川 0 礒の覦 be ロと to to her, の 2 s 川の社可 the psychiatrist 尾群 d 2 possibility 可 た卩ⅲ g this going. H の・ⅲ地れ兜れ d for 川 0 ⅲ g 可虧〃 er basic た 0 〃 ess 市 s 司池 f ⅲ 2 possi- bility 可引花んロ尾日 0 ゆ was ロ〃〃℃ⅲの 10 si れ日 0 ルレ▽〃 e Sally てじロ s ⅲ the わ os 可げ 0 「 0 伝 0 ロ日 0 れ , 2 soc lz じ 0 欣の・わ eg Ⅲ 1 わⅲ旧ロ尾日 0 れ s 〃ゆてⅲわ . At ロロ - リ ci time ⅲ 0 冂 2 ⅲ地 rv 池てら during て司ⅱ c 〃 Sally was crying ロ d the て 00r た er 〃耐ロ sympathetic hand 0 〃〃円 - s 〃 0 リ旧 2 ら畴 ey て ve 尾ⅲ地″リ〃日 by the 社 ) ロ〃 2 ト so Ⅲ 7 司日円 na 冂日ⅲ g Sally co 川 2 0 耐の 1 日扣ⅲⅲ the ro 耐ⅲ 2 gro リ〃 era 卩 y 花市 4 d ⅲれ巳 S 〃 2 地 r described 2 si れ la 日 0 as 〃 0 て vs : 'V わの 1 M る . D. 〃耐わ hand 0 ⅱ my 訪 0 壷ら 7 ルな口 s の 1 兜可〃 0 〃 2 ル r 日花寸日川 e ⅲ my life, ロれ d 2 れ ey 川ⅲ ed 2 て v 〃 0 にⅲ g. " れ t00 たて 2 地 reestablish this 忖 2 尾日 sense 可 ra 卩〃 0 〃日わⅢ s れ Most people have residuals 0f the dual image 0f the mother with its resul- tant ambivalence. lt is our impression that the patients in our study group, bOth men and women, have this ambivalence tO an unusually high degree, with accent on the negative side. One patient, Penny, expressed it with rare clarity in a drean ・ 1 tOld in her fourth interview. 当 was with mother. There was the usual feeling Of tension. lt was like we were in a motel and we had gone tO bed in twin beds. I WOke up. Sc.mething in white was standing over me very threatening. lt was terrifying. I called t0 my mother for help. She answered, ・ I am your mother,' and it turned out that she, herself, was the creature in white whO was threatening me. I WOke up screaming. " penny s associations elaborated but did not significantly alter the meaning which is SO obvious in the manifest content of the dream: The one to whom one 100kS with a wish for help is the one who will attack. The dream was reported in relation tO material about her anger toward her mother, her punitive anger toward her five-month-old son' and the distressing feeling that she was just as bad as her mother was. Since it appeared in the early stages Of penny's looking t0 us for help, it carried significant trans- ference implications. ln their brief vignette we see the interweaving Of many of the patient's ideas: I have a bad mother; I hate my mother; I am like my mother; I am mean t0 my child; I d0 not believe I can ever get help. Much of the preceding discussion Of motherliness seems oriented toward women, but it applies equally tO men. Male and female abusing parents are similar in their motherly qualities. ln our view there is no essential difference in the origin Of motherliness in 111en and women. ln bOth sexes it a pre- gender identification in the infant's early life with the mother's behavior. ln males later masculine strivings and identifications may allow persistence Of motherliness or diminish it. ln females the early motherly identification becomes 344 Development the lndividual

The second factor involved two particular predictions. There were 2 mothers whose behavior during the interviews was consistent with a high predic- tion but whose report Of their behavior throughout the child's illness was more consistent with a 10W prediction. ln the case Of such discrepancy the assessment of the interview behavior was weighted more heavily. Therefore, they were both predicted t0 be in the higher half 0f the continuum. They both had observed means in the 10W range, and these were the 2 most deviant predictions made (Subjects M and O, Fig. 2 ). If the hypothesis relating effectiveness of defense and mean 17-OHCS ex- cretion rates is correct, and if in addition these 2 subjects were less effectively defended at the time Of the interview than they had been previously, then one might expect that their 17-OHCS excretion rates at the time Of the interview would be higher than their observed mean rates. This was the case in that b0th subjects had consistently 10W values except for the week Of the interview, during which both had values for a 72- hr. period in the high-middle range. For this reason it seemed advisable tO compute for each parent an ・ interview' mean, consisting Of the value or values obtained during the week in which the inter- views occurred. We then compared the predicted values with these interview means. Subject M, who had the highest predicted value, had the second highest interview mean. Subject O, who was ranked fifth by prediction, had the fifth highest interview mean. The individual interview means are listed in Table 1. ln the majority Of cases the interview means were within 0.5 mg. Of the observed means. Figure 4 is a scattergram Of the predicted versus the interview means for 18 of the 19 mothers. (One-mother had no urine collections within a month 0f the interview and was therefore excluded. ) The points representing Subjects M and 0 fall in the correct quadrant of the scattergram (upper right). The correlation 0f the predictions with the interview means was .58 (p < .01 ). lnterview means were computed in the same manner for 7 Of the 8 fathers who had been interviewed during the course 0f their children's illnesses. (One 8 7 M ・ 0 “ 6 NVAL'N CIA-I- し IQ?I>Id 5 「 = .58 p = <. 01 2 1 0 8 7 6 4 3 0 2 5 INTERVIEW MEAN Figure 4 Scattergram of ⅲ地 1 池て v の 1 日卩尾市 c d means 角「 18 川 0 円 - s. PO ⅲ . for Subjects M ロれ d 〇れ 03 角〃ⅲレ〃〃 er right 甲 ua 日 ra (see ズり . 1 248 Emotion