The g 市 s ロ卩〃 0 ⅲ t 川 e れ t I shall never forget one particularly dark, rainy afternoon during the spring 0f 1936 , when the great disappointment came. I was sitting in my small laboratory, brooding about the ever-increasing volume 0f findings which by now had made it quite improbable that my extracts could contain a new hormone, at least in the usual sense Of the word. Mine could not be a specific substance Of any one en- docrine gland; I found about equal amounts 0f it everywhere. Yet the changes produced with these extracts were very real and constant. There must have been something in these preparations tO account for such characteristic effects. What could it be? lt was then that a horrible thought occurred t0 me: for all I knew, this entire syndrome might be due merely tO the toxicity Of my extracts, t0 the fact that I did not purify them well enough. ln this case, of course, all my work meant nothing. I was not on the track Of a new ovarian hormone; indeed, I was not even dealing With any specific ubiquitous "tissue hormone," but merely with damage as such. As I thought of this, my eyes happened to fall upon a bottle 0f Formalin on a shelfin front of my desk. For 川ⅲロれ extremely toxic ロれ日 irritating 卩レ . We ビⅲ日花 p 尾〃ロ ra 日 0 可 tissues for ″ⅱ crosco 卩 s 日め as ロ f ⅸロ日 0 巳 Just as yo se fixatives ⅲ photography, SO for Ⅲ rosco 〃たてじ or た , てじ 2 employ certain ロ g せ s tO fix the st 冂花れげ 2 可 ce 〃 s by ⅲ s れ日 y precipitating their CO 日れⅱ ts ⅲ日花ロ t Ⅲ観 ~ s 地 . Now, I thought, if my syndrome is really due only to tissue-damage, I should be able to reproduce it by injecting rats with a dilute Formalin solution. The cells in immediate contact with the Formalin would be precipitated and killed and considerable tissue-damage would result. This seemed tO be a good way tO formulate the question I wanted tO ask: can even a toxic fluid not derived from any living tissue alSO produce my syndrome. I immediately undertook such experiments and, within 48 hours, when I examined the organs Of my animals, the answer was only t00 clear. ln all the rats there was even more adrenocortical enlargement, thymicolymphatic atrophy, and intestinal-ulcer formation than I had ever been able tO produce with any Of my tissue-extracts. I do not think I have ever been more profoundly disappointed! Suddenly all my dreams Of discovering a new hormone were shattered. AII the time and all the materials that went intO this long study were wasted. I tried to tell myself, "You must not let this sort 0f thing get you down; after all, fortunately, nothing has been published about the ・ new hormone,' SO no confusion has been created in the minds Of Others and there is nothing tO retract. I tried tO tell myself over and over again that such disappointments are inevitable in a scientist's life; occasionally anyone can f0110W a wrong track, and it is pre- cisely the ViSion necessary tO recognize such errors that characterizes the reliable investigator. But all this gave me little solace and, indeed, I became so depressed The Stress 0 ー Life 233

manic pleasure with which children watch the collapse in a second Of the product 0 日 ong play labor has puzzled many, especially since the child does not appreciate it at all if his tower falls by accident or by a helpful uncle's hand. He, the builder, must destroy it himself. This game, I should think, arises from the not SO distant expenence 0f sudden falls at the very time when standing upright on wobbly legs afforded a new and fascinating perspective on existence. The child whO conse- quently learns tO ロた e a tower "stand up enjoys causing the same tower tO waver and collapse: in addition tO the active mastery over a previously passive event, it makes one feel stronger tO know that there is somebody weaker—and towers, unlike little sisters, can't cry and call Mummy. But since it is the child's still precarious mastery over space which is thus tO be demonstrated, it is under- standable that watching somebody else kick one's tower may make the child see himself in the tower rather than in the kicker: all fun evaporates. Circus clowns later take over when they obligingly fall a11 over the place from mere ineptness, and yet continue tO challenge gravity and causality with ever renewed innocence: there are, then, even big people who are funnier, dumber, and wobblier. Some children, however, who find themselves t00 much identified with the clown can- not stand his downfalls: t0 them they are "not funny. リ This example throws light on the beginning of many an anxiety in childhood, where anxiety around the child's attempt at ego mastery finds unwelcome ・ support" from adults who treat him roughly or amuse him with exercises which he likes only if and when he himself has initiated them. The child's play begins with and centers on his own body. This we shall call autocosmic 〃 y. lt. begins before we notice it as play, and consists at first in the exploration by repetition of sensual perceptions, of kinesthetic sensations, 0f vocalizations, etc. Next, the child plays with available persons and things. He may playfully cry tO see what wave length would serve best tO make the mother reappear, or he may indulge in experimental excursions on her bOdy and on the protrusions and orifices Of her face. This is the child's first geography, and the basic maps acquired in such interplay with the mother no doubt remain guides for the ego's first orientation in the "world. " Here we call as a witness Santayana:2 Far, far ⅲ a dim 〃保 s ら a 日 been ⅲロ 0 zer 30 日 d or ⅲロ〃尾 - れロ ~ CO れ d 汁 iO れ , 〇〃 02r 尾 me 川と 2 2 long-denied 〃 r 〃 ege 可 sitting ⅲ his 川 0 e 尸卩 . れロ d been such ロ尾 f ge 可 safety, 可 softness, 可てⅥ t ロ ge : YO レて 02 尾 c ″池 d の 1 日 yo レて ve 尾 e れ 0d0 〃 2 日ⅲロれのれ〃慊レ壷可 s レ尾 pro 地 c 日 0 , 〃た 2 king 0 れ his throne, て his 角卍ザわ odyg many ra れ壷罕ロわ 0 リ日ⅲ叫の ld the 床 c ロ〃 2 yo れ d , 社 ) 卍 1 洒 messe 〃 ge るロれ d its 川 0 日ビ y 2 〃 Odes , became け川 0 計 e れ汁ロⅱ g 可 spectacles, 設 e 尾 202 Ⅳⅲ g ) れ e 工〃 ec 地日ロれ日 exciting, yet て尾れ 0 ⅲ g co レ旧 go てじ ro 新 your 川 0 2 る司 f had と e の 1 地〃ⅲ g YO 材ロ story, の 1 日 2 兜可 c 尾 s て尾 0 司 y t わ 2 卍 tra 日 0 れ s tO てⅱ c 〃〃ⅲ地 d の ? e ん es your 〃 s 地ⅲ g 川ⅲ d. The Ⅲ ros 卩〃 e 尾ー i. e. , the small world 0f manageable toys—is a harbor ・ which the child establishes, to return tO when he needs tO overhaul his ego. But the thing-world has its own laws: it may resist reconstruction, or it may simply 2 George Santayana, T わ 2 Last P レ t の 1 , Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1936. 266 Emotion

one of the flanking areas (Fig. 2a, の . There was no response to an 8 。 spot cover- ing the entire receptive field (Fig. 2c ). The same unit was strongly activated by a narrow slit-shaped stimulus, measuring 1 。 by 8 。 , oriented vertically over the excitatory region (Fig. 3 ロ ). ln contrast, a horizontal slit 0f light was completely ineffective, despite the fact that the central area was capable Of evoking a response when stimulated alone (Fig. 2 ロ ). As the optimum (vertical) orientation of the slit was approached responses appeared and rapidly increased tO a maximum. These findings can be readily understood in terms of interacting excitatory and inhibitory areas. The strength Of the response tO a vertically oriented slit is explained by summation over the excitatory region and by the exclusion Of in- hibitory regions. When parts of the inhibitory flanking areas were included by rotating the slit, responses were reduced or abolished. Thus a horizontal slit was ineffective because it stimulated a small portion of the central excitatory area, and larger portions Of the antagonistic regions. Some units were not responsive enough to permit mapping of receptive fields with small light spots. ln these the effective stimulus pattern could be found by changing the size, shape and orientation of the stimulus until a clear response was evoked. Often when a region with excitatory or inhibitory re- sponses was established the neighbouring opposing areas in the receptive field 尾 g れ 200 た ed 尾 s 卩 0 れ ses ての 1 計ⅲⅢ日 0 e (Fig. 2 の . S れレん s のわロ c た gro Ⅲ 1 日 日 0 れ s , 0 e 2 〃 d 保 ys covering the ce れ比 2 可 t 〃 2 尾 ce 〃日て沼戸日 : れ 0 that わ ce れ比 2 , s 〃 0 ) れ t0 〃可戸 g 尾 . ( 切 Res 〃 0 es t0 1 。 X 5 。 slit 0 2 れ地 d ⅲ 0 保 0 リ s 市尾← c の 1 比 e 0 / slit 引 4 〃 2 川〃 osed 0 れ ce れ比 2 Of 尾 ce 〃日 02 戸 el successive s 日 m ″ ro d clock- Figure 3 S ロ川 2 レれ口 s ⅲ g. 2. ) Res 〃 0 れ s t0 shining a 尾 c れ g 司 r 〃 g s 〃 0 ら 1 。 X 8 一れ s s as 1 Fig. 寿 s 日川リ d レ ra 日 0 れ 1 sec. Receptive Fields 0 ー Single Neurones in the Cat's Striate Cortex 29

Table 1 ( Co ⅲ日 ) S igns Sorry Funny Please Food-eat FI ower Cover- blanket Dog You Napkin-bib ln Brush Hat l-me Shoes S mell Pants Description the body toward waist. Palms of the flat hands are drawn up against upward several times. Palm is held before nose and moved slightly strike against each Other. ) ASL form: the sides of the fisted hands strike down on shoes or 日 00r. (Correct The fisted hands are held side by side and lndex finger points at, or touches, chest. Palm pats top of head. "polish. ”) hand several times. (Adapted from ASL The fisted hand rubs the back of the open Opposite of “ out. ” Fingertips wipe the mouth region. lndex finger points at a person's chest. Repeated slapping on thigh. of the other. Draws one hand toward self over the back the other. ) tapered hand touch first one nostril, then nostrils. (Correct ASL form: tips of Tip of index finger touches one or both tapered hand touch mouth repeatedly. ) mouth. (Correct ASL form: fingertips of Several fingers of one hand are placed in motion. ) ASL form: fingertips used, and circular Open hand is drawn across chest. (Correct second fingers used; no snort. ) snorts. (Correct ASL form: index and Tip of index finger presses nose, and Washoe over heart With circular motion. ) (Correct ASL form: fisted hand is rubbed Fisted hand clasps and unclasps at shoulder. Context After biting someone, or When someone has been hurt in another way (not neces- sarily by Washoe). When told to aP010- gize for mischief. When soliciting interaction play, and during games. Occasionally, when being pur sued after mischief. When asking for objects and activities. Fre- quently combined: "Please go , ” "Out, please," "Please drink. ' During meals and preparation Of meals. At bedtime or naptime, and, on cold days, when Washoe wants tO be taken out. For dogs and for barking. lndicates successive turns in games. , 1S0 used in response tO questions such as "VVho tickle?" "Who brush?" For bib, for washcloth, and for KIeenex. VNantS tO go indoors, or wants someone tO jOin her indoors. For hairbrush, and when asking for brush- lng ・ For flowers. For hats and caps. lndicates Washoe's turn, when she and a companion share f00d, drink, etc. AISO used in phrases, such as "l drink," and in reply t0 questions such as Ⅳ h0 tickle?" (Washoe: you 勹冫 "Who I tickle?" (Washoe: "Me. ”) For shoes and bOOts. For scented objects: tobacco, perfume, sage, For diapers, rubber pants, trousers. etc. Teaching Sign Language t0 a Chimpanzee 125

ln all ground-dwelling rodents observed, two phases of nest building can be distinguished: ( 1 ) The digging of a burrow ( 2 ) the construction of a nest for sleeping and nursing ・ The nest-building Norway rat for example starts digging a tunnel, 20 to 30 cm. under the surface, which ends after about 1 metre in a small nesting cham- ber. Later, additional tunnels are added (Steiniger, 1950 ). The forelegs scratch the earth with alternating movements from the front under the belly (scratching). From there the accumulating earth is pushed backwards by the hindlegs (kicking backwards). From time to time the animal turns around pushing the earth by alternating movements Of its forelegs out Of the tunnel ゆレ s 〃ⅲ g ). Pushing 〃 the s れ 0 リ t is also observed. After digging the animal collects nesting material. This co 〃 ec 日 0 れ activity consists in grasping the nesting material with the teeth, 〃〃ⅲ g it free and if necessary わⅲ g it 100Se from where it is attached, then carrying it tO the nesting site and 日 e 〃 OSi 日 g it there. The nesting material is pushed into a heap by movements of the forelegs, identical with those performed when pushing earth out of the tunnel and by shoving with the snout. ln the centre Of the heap the rat starts scratching, forming a bOWl and, furthermore, turning on its axis and 〃レ s 〃ⅲ g the nest material tO- wards the periphery, it forms a ring-shaped mound around itself. lntermittently the rat reaches over the mound, grasping scattered nesting material with its teeth, and deposits it on the rim Of the mound or inside the nest. lt reminds one Of the way geese construct their nests, but whereas the latter are able only tO lay the material backwards over their shoulder, the rat shows more plasticity, being capable Of depositing nesting material from different positions in relation tO the nest. Coarse nesting material, like straw, is split with the teeth longitudinally. The rat holds the material at both ends in its paws and bites along it with the lower incisors. By a sudden lifting Of its head it splits the straw (splitting). Straw, and even SOlid 、 VOOd , are transformed intO SOft nesting material. Similar ments Of nest building are observed in many Other rodents and the patterns Of splitting, scratching, or pushing, are common tO all those species mentioned above. sometimes additional movements are observed. Tree squirrels, for ex- ample, have special movements for bundling the nesting material before transport. ln addition, I vvas aware Of certain environmental situations WhiCh were obviously indispensable, for instance, previously explored environment contain- ing known nest locality, or else good cover. 1 At once I suspected that the failure of Riess's rats to build was due tO the fact that they did not have a definite nesting place in the unfamiliar testing situation with which they were confronted. When I took ten virgin rats experienced in nest building, duplicating Riess's test situation, none Of them started building. After they had overcome their shyness they first started exploring, in between retreating tO one corner where they cleaned themselves and rested. Some pulled out paper strips and scattered them all over the 日 00r , thus behaving like the rats Of Riess. But none built a nest within the first hour and only three built within 5 hours. 1 The rats have furthermore tO be familiar with the presence Of an observer' otherwise they are irritated, showing curiosity or shyness. The lnteractions of Unlearned Behavior Patterns and Learning in Mammals 83

TO the person without wealth and power, it is just as obvious that he is without these things not because he is either stupid or lazy, but through the accident of his birth. Each person interprets the world in a way which justifies his own position ー the man Of influence by seeing that influence as deserved, and the man without influence by sadly conclud- ing that it is not what you are but whO you know that makes the dif- ference in the world. Various political ideologies are presented in the selection from Ag- ger, Goldrich, and Swanson. Their book, T 〃 2 Rulers 保 d the Ruled, is the first systematic and comparative study Of community decision making ever published. There have been informal studies 0f decision making such as Lincoln Steffens' great autobiography. There have also been some systematic studies Of individual communities. Agger and his C01 ー leagues, however, go far beyond these. Basing their work on a series of community studies supported by the Kellogg Foundation, they present comparative data on decision making in four communities over a con- siderable period of years. The central question which they attempt to answer with these data is surely one Of the most important concerns Of our time. lt is this: What are the necessary and sufficient conditions for the existence Of democratic control over community decision making? ldeologies play a central role in the answer to this question. Agger, Goldrich, and Swanson found that one of the main factors influencing the extent Of democracy was whether there was competition for power among groups with different ideologies. While their findings were t00 complex t0 be very well represented by a brief summary, a first approxi- mation tO their results might run as follows: Where those factions at- tempting tO achieve power in a community agree on basic ideology, they will work out their differences among themselves without appeal tO the broader masses of people. Where there are basic ideological differ- ences, and the representatives Of different ideological positions have significant amounts of support, each group will appeal to a wider audi- ence in the attempt tO gain supremacy. This appeal to a wider audience leads to democratic control of political institutions. ldeologies are not adequately summarized by a division into those supporting the haves and those supporting the have-nots. Two important dimensions of ideology are beliefs about who should rule and ideas about how the community is structured. Disagreements about whO should rule are easiest tO understand. Are those who have been most successful best qualified t0 rule? Or should the major decisions be made by professionals, such as the city manager, the director of parks, and the superintendent of schools? Or should more power be given to those who now have the least? lt is easy to see how different people would be prepared tO make a case for each Of these, or Other, alternatives. Another important difference between different ideologies con- cerns variations in What the structure Of the community is seen as being. 392 Psych010gy and the Study 研 Society

that for a few days I could not do any work at all. I just sat in my laboratory, brooding about how this misadventure might have been avoided and wondering what was tO be done now. Eventually I decided tha し of course, the only thing to do was to pull myself together, admit my defeat, and return tO some of the more orthodox endocrino- logical problems that had occupied my attention before I was sidetracked into this regrettable enterprise. After a11 , I was young and much of the road was still ahead. Yet, somehow I could not forget my triad, nor could I get hold of myself sufficiently tO dO anything else in the laboratory for several days. The ensuing period of introverted contemplation turned out to be the de- cisive factor in my whOle career; it pointed the way for all my subsequent work. But much more important than that, it revealed vistas sufficiently alluring in their promise Of adventure and fulfillment to inspire that irresistible curiosity about nature's ways which was to be my delightful damnation ever after. THE BIRTH OF THE G. A. S. A れ 2 て v 〃 0 ⅲ t 可 0 池て v. 〃 this て 02 尾 SO .. . ハ c の 1g2 Of Ⅲⅲ日 . Discouragement. Encourage- 川 2 れれ Plans for 尾尾 se ロ尾ん What 日花 scope 可 this ロ卩〃 ro ロ cl ロ T 2 戸 r semantic 市 f 戸 c Ⅲ . The. f 汁ル″ c ロ日 0 ⅱ 0 ⅱ精ビ stress sy 〃市・ 0 Ⅲ巳 T わ 2 精尾 2 s g . A 〃 e てじ〃 0 ⅲ t Of て ) 池てじ As I repetitiously continued to go over my ill-fated experiments and their possible interpretation, it suddenly struck me that one could 100k at them from an entirely different angle. If there was such a thing as a single nonspecific reaction of the body t0 damage of any kind, this might be worth study for its own sake. lndeed, working out the mechanism of this kind of stereotyped "syndrome of response to injury as such" might be much more important to medicine than the discovery of yet another sex hormone. As I repeated to myself, "a syndrome of response to injury as such," grad- ually, my early classroom impressions of the clinical "syndrome of just being sick' began tO reappear dimly out Of my subconsciousness where they had been buried for over a decade. Could it be that this syndrome in man (the feeling of being i11 , the diffuse pains in joints and muscles, the intestinal disturbances with loss of appetite, the IOSS Of weight) were in some manner clinical equivalents Of the ex- perimental syndrome, the triad (adrenocortical stimulation, thymicolymphatic atrophy, intestinal ulcers) that I had produced with such a variety of toxic sub- stances in the rat? 〃 this てじ e 尾 so . If this were so, the general medical implications of the syndrome would be enour- mous ! Some degree of nonspecific damage is undoubtedly superimposed upon the specific characteristics Of any disease, upon the specific effects of any drug. 234 Emotion

SELECTION FROM LACK CHICAGO, THE MAKING OF A NEGRO GHETTO 1890 ー 1920 大 A 〃 H. S The 〃〃 ys た ghetto Between 1890 and 1915 , the Negro population of Chicago grew from less than fifteen thousand to over fifty thousand. Although this growth was overshadowed by the massive influx 0f Negroes during and after World War l, this was never- theless a significant increase. By the eve 0f World War l, although Negroes were still a minor element in the city's population, they were far more conspicuous than they had been a generation earlier. The population increase was accom- panied by the concentration Of Negroes intO ever more constricted sections Of the city. ln the late nineteenth century, while most Negroes lived in certain sections Of the South Side, they lived interspersed among whites; there were few all-Negro blocks. By 1915 , on the other hand, the physical ghetto had taken shape; a large, almost all-Negro enclave on the South Side, with a similar 0 shoot on the West Side, housed most of Chicago's Negroes. The increasing physical separation of Chicago's Negroes was but one re- flection of a growing pattern Of segregation and discrimination in early twentieth- century Chicago. AS the Negro community grew and opportunities for interracial conflict increased, SO a pattern Of discrimination and segregation became ever more pervasive. And perhaps the most critical aspect Of interracial conflict came as the result Of Negro attempts tO secure adequate housing. The South Side black belt could expand in only two directions in the early twentieth century —south and east. TO the north lay the business district, which was moving south; in fact, commercial and light industrial concerns were pushing Negroes out 0f the area between Twelfth and Twenty-second Streets. West of Wentworth Avenue was a district of low-income immigrant homes, interspersed with railroad yards and light industry; the lack 0f adequate housing made this area undesirable for Negro expansion. East Of State Street, on the Other hand, was a neighborhood suitable for Negro residential requirements. This area, bounded by Twelfth and Thirty-ninth Streets, State Street and Lake Michigan, had, in the 1880 ' s and early 1890 ' s , included the most fashionable streets in the city—Prairie and Calumet Avenues. But by 1900 , the wealthy residents were moving t0 the North Side, leaving behind them comfortable, if aging, homes. South of Thirty-ninth Street was an even more desirable residential area—Ken- W00d and Hyde park —and across Washington Park from the southern extremity of the black belt were the new and attractive communities Of Woodlawn and *Excerpted 仕 om AIIan H. Spear, Black Chicago, 2 M ロれ g 可 Negro G せ 0 1890 ー 1920. Chicago : The University of Chicago Press, 1967 , pp. 11 ー 222. C opyright ◎ by The Univer- sity of Chicago. A11 rights reserved. By permission of The University of Chicago press and Allan H. Spear. BIack Chicago, the Making 履 Negro Ghetto 401

Also shown in TabIes 1 , 2 , and 3 is a binary index of performance ( ん ) , which expresses the results as a performance rate. For a task in which Ws and A are fixed for a series Of movements, 1 〃 iS defined as Ws 1 下 10g2 bits/sec. , ( 2 ) Where t iS the average time in seconds per movement. ThiS index has some re- semblance to one by G01dman ( 11 , p. 157 , Formula 29 ) for maximum information rate, although Goldman s criterion for determining the number Of possible cate- gories iS based on a mean square criterion. We want tO test the hypothesis that movement time varies with task diffi- culty in such a way that is constant over a wide range Of movement amplitudes and tolerances. lt is apparent from the data in Tables 1 , 2 , and 3 that even though the index is not precisely constant, the hypothesis is substantially confirmed. For the eight best (out of the 16 ) conditions of tapping with the light weight stylus, the rate 0f performance varied between 10.3 and 11.5 bits/sec. , a range of only 1.2 bits. Performance fell 0 任 markedly only for the least exacting bits/sec. , condition studied い = 2 in. , レ = 2 in. ). Performance rate with the l-lb. stylus also was relatively stable over a comparable range Of amplitudes and tolerances. The rate at all but tWO conditions was reduced slightly by the added work, and the region 0f maximum performance was shifted toward smaller amplitudes Of movement. The Pearsonian correlation between the 16 values for the tWO variations in the tapping task was large however (r .97 ). For the 16 conditions of the disc-transfer task, on which the difficulty index ranged from 4 t0 10 bits/response, the rate of performance varied from 7.5 to 10.4 bits/sec. Over the eight best conditions the range was only 1.3 bits/sec. Performance on the pin-transfer task varied from 8.9 to 12.6 bits/sec. for the 20 conditions studied, but the range of variability was only 1.0 bit/sec. over the ten best conditions. ln all tasks it was found that movement amplitudes and tolerances could be varied within limits without much effect on performance rate, but that performance began t0 信Ⅱ 0 仔 outside these limits. This is readily apparent from an inspection Of Fig. 4 , which is a three-dimensional representation Of the per- formance data for the pin-transfer task. Movements Of 1 ー and 2-in. amplitude were consistently less efficient than movements Of 4 tO 8 in. ln the pin-transfer task in particular, both the smallest amplitude ( 1 in. ) and the smallest tolerance ( 1 / 32 in. ) resulted in relatively 10W rates 0f performance. ln most cases per- formance rate also fell 0 任 at the largest amplitudes and tolerances. Throughout all the tasks, movement amplitudes Of 4 tO 8 in. were more consistently asso- ciated with good performance than was any particular tolerance or any particular difficulty index. Learning 102

L12 What I most wanted was to get over being a scared bunny. . I always resent doing the respectable thing just because it's the thing to do, but I didn't realize I was so different, politically, from my classmates. At least I agree with the few people I ever talk to about such matters. (Socio- metric responses place her in a 引 . al し conservative group. ) Q81 I hated practically all my school life before coming here. I had the perfect inferiority complex, and I pulled out of school social life ー out of fear. I didn't intend to repeat that mistake here. . l've just begun tO be successful in winning friendships, and l've been blissfully happy here. (She is described by teachers as pathologically belligerent"; she receives more than the average number Of friendship choices, but reciprocates only one of them. ) For these five individuals, who are negativistic in the sense of being near-isolates rather than rebels, the community does not serve as reference group for public attitudes. TO some extent, their small friendship groups serve in this capacity, but in the main they still refer such areas of their lives to the home-and-family group. They are t00 absorbed in their own pursuits to use the total membership group as a reference group for most Other purposes, t00. 3. Co れ s の - て日て沼 s , not 尾〃リ地日 ~ y negativistic, ロてじの℃ 0 / t 〃 2 0 社 ) れ日 ve co れ一 s - va 日 s 川 . Three of the five are described by teachers as cooperative" and and none as stubborn or resistant. Four are above average prestige. Four are considered by teachers or by guess-who raters, or both, to retain very close parental ties. All four who were interviewed had more or less definite ambitions for leadership on coming to college, and a11 felt that they had been relatively successful ー though, in the words of one of them, none ever attained the "really top-notch positions. " A11 four are aware of conflict between parents and college community in respect to public attitudes, and all quite consciously decided to "string along' with parents, feeling self- confident of holding their own in college in spite of being atypical in this respect. Sample quotations follow: 138 Q73 乃れロ〃 my 川 0 の - has ⅲ the 社 ) or 旧 . lt's co 2 尾 d intellectually 引甲 e or 〃 e 尾 to わ 2 〃わ or ra 市 c . This puts Ⅲ 2 0 2 日可 e れ s e , as I refuse to consider my mother beneath me intellectually, as so many other students do. Apart from this, I have loved every aspect of college life. (A popular girl, many Of whose friends are among the nonconservative college leaders. ) Q78 尸 ve co 川 2 to 尾た e 〃 0 て v 川 c わ my mother's ロ〃〃ⅲ ess de 〃の lds 0 れ川 2 , 2 d the わ e 計 way ー can 〃 e ゆ〃 to 日 0 things てⅲ〃〃 0 川 e 0 e 〃ー can. This has resulted in my not getting the feel of the college in certain ways, and I know my general conservatism is one Of those ways. But it has not been important enough to me to make me feel particularly left out. If you re genuine and inoffensive about your opinions, no one really minds here if you remain conservative. (Another popular girl, whose friends were found among many groups. ) Learning