50.3 where Padma Sambhava manifests in various forms and tames the trolls ( 50.3 ). On the central axis at the main gate tO the island is an eleven-headed guardian, perhaps a form 0f Rahu. Above him sits Padma Sambhava in a pavilion. A stack of three heads —one fresh-cut, one shrunken, and one Just a skull—appears on the roof above Padma Sambhava, as if a giant たわ酊〃 ga staff were built into the pavilion in which he sits. lnterspersed about the landscape are some allSPICi()llS elements, such as a horse and tWO elephants. Ducks, conch shells, a bull, and long-necked storks appear as charming accents within the delicate and subtle renderings of the simple landscape ( 50.3 ). Dark blue is the main background C010r , harmonlzing with the rose red Of much Of the architecture and dress Of the figures. The delicately elegant ornamentation of the buildings and the designs of the 183 ・ CataIogue: Buddhist Orders clothing, mostly 0f gold, is a strong feature of the style and has an obvious relation tO designs appearing in lndian painting 0f b0th the Mughal and Rajput schools (such as that of Bundi) from the 16th to 17th century in particular. The touches Of landscape relate tO styles seen in late 16th-century paintings (Nos. 7 and 97 ) , a feature that helps to date this work. ln figure style there is some resemblance tO Nepalese delicacy, but the 100Se drapery, like that in the previous tWO Pa d ma Sambhava tangkas, is related to Chinese styles that by th is time were thorou ghly assimilated in Tibetan art. ThiS eclectic mixture indicates that this exquiSlte painting probably comes from the central reglons. ThiS rare palntlng appears tO be an important early work Of this particular theme, with the distinctive feature Of portraying the deities ln sexual union on the first three stories. There is a later rendering Of the same theme in the Essen collection in Hamburg (Essen and Thingo, 1989 , I, pp. 200 ー 01 ). lt may be that this compositional format, which does not emphasize the mountain but has rows Of shrines, 、 developed in one area at least by the late 16th century and continued as a particular type. According t0 Thingo Rinpoche's interesting suggestlon, this type presents a VIS 10n Of the Glorious Copper Mountain paradise meant tO orient the close-to-death believer WhO seeks tO be reborn there. lt is different from another, more familiar rendering Of this theme that emphasizes the large copper mountain and its setting without the rows Of individual shrines, as seen in the painting from the Newark Museum ( No. 149 ). This latter type has a more cosmological thrust, and may represent a different regional variant' possibly from Eastern Tibet.

taken there in the presence Of Amitabha. There is the Eastern Pure Land, known as Abhirati, the DeIightfuI, created and maintained by the Buddha Akshobhya (UnshakabIe). This is the land where Great Adepts like VimaIakirti and MiIarepa often dwell. lt is a less ethereal, more earthlike realm, but in a umverse tO the east, far beyond our own— as many umverses tO the east as there are grains of sand in slxty-two Ganges riverbeds (see No. 151 ). There is also the Manorama paradise within Tushita Heaven, fourth heaven of the desire realm, where perfect Buddha emanatlons always spend a last celestiallife teaching the Dharma to gods, angels, and sages before becoming a Supreme Emanation Buddha on earth. When Shakyamum Buddha left there to come to our earth, the Bodhisattva Maitreya became regent, tO rule and teach there until he t00 descends tO earth in the future. But Maitreya is believed to be actlve in the world as a Bodhisattva even now, emanating as helping beings t0 work among us. The great master Asanga (ca. 4th century (E) was said tO have met Maitreya in person, tO have been taken up tO Tushita with him, and to have received five sacred books there, which he brought back with him to lndia. These five books form the backbone of the curriculum Of the great compassion teachings, the magnificent stage 0f the path t0 enlightenment. The famous monastery founded by Tsong Khapa near Lhasa in 1415 was named after Tushita Heaven ( 工 Ganden) to indicate its connectlon to the millennial hope Of Maitreya's future presence on earth. Tibetans believe they can be reborn in any of these three celestial Pure Lands, depending on which Bodhisattva or Buddha they can best envislon and trust. Thus, the numerous icons and statues Of the Five Transcendent Buddhas, the Tathagatas of the directions —popularly Akshobhya in the east, Vairochana in the center, Ratnasambhava in the south, Amitabha in the west, and Amoghasiddhi in the north —are everywhere in Tibetan temples, in texts and block prints, painted and carved on mountainsides, on giant bannerlike appliqué lcons twenty stories high, sculpted in clay, or butter, or dough. Tibetans encounter their own pure celestial potential in seeing these paradigmatic deities. On the earthly level, there are a number of Pure Lands hidden away in Tibet. ln the south of lndia there is the Potalaka (Haven) Paradise, the mountain retreat of AvaIokiteshvara and Tara, after which the Great Fifth Dalai Lama named his palace in Lhasa (text fig. 25 ). To the southwest, on another continent that seems tO resemble Africa from its descriptions, there is the Glorious Copper Mountain Paradise of Padma Sambhava, where he dwells immortally and continues teaching his circle of adepts ( No. 149 ). To the northwest, hidden in the Pamirs or the Hindu Kush, there is the Uddiyana Dakini Paradise, where female Buddhas in Dakini embodiments preserve the Mother tantra teachings of the La 〃 g ん〃 g 協 4 ( H ビレ可 ) and the S ゆ川ビ B 騰 5 WheeI g 〃 0 〃 ( ル川お〃たん - C わ 4 た覊川 ) 厩 and whence they visit the outer world tO inspire adepts' practice. ln the east, ln northwest China, there is the Five Mountain Paradise of the Bodhisattva Manjushri, where the pilgrim has a chance Of meeting the prince ofWisdom in person, and where the cultivation of transcendent wisdom is most ad- vantageous. ln the north, perhaps somewhere in the arctlC regions, lies the hidden paradise of Shambhala, a vast nation Of ninety-six provinces, where technology was already advanced twenty-five hundred years ago, and where the entire population dedicates its energies tO the study and practice Of the W 可 T 肥 the Ka 信訪 4 た厩 ( No. 155 ). AII of these Pure Lands are on this earth yet subtly hidden from the ordinary sight of ignorant people. One can go to the Five Mountain Paradise as a pilgrim and see only a beautiful landscape Of green and misty mountains with flat, m01St platformlike peaks. One could fly over the arctic, and not see the vast land of ShambhaIa, though northern Tibetan nomads might see lts rooftops reflected in the aurora borealis. But Tibetans have legends of Great Adepts who visited these lands and brought back teachings. Even simple people visit them in their dreams at times. And they are yet another way by which the Tibetan imagination makes the full manifestation of enlightenment seem closer. Finally, there are the microcosmic Pure Lands, through which the landscape of Tibet itself became transformed into a secondary Pure Land 0f Ava10kiteshvara, who lives as its ruler ln contlnuous remcarnatlons in the majestic POtala temple- palace-monastery (text fig. 26 ). These sacred microcosms are accessed by stupa monuments, c わ 5 〃 5 , by painted, colored- particle, or three-dimensional mandala constructions, by magicalchants and rituals and dances, or most perfectly by the lnner visualizations of the lama adepts, yogis, and yoginis. The subtle materials of the human imagination are the finest of all the artist1C media by which these mlcrocosmic Pure Lands are created. They are constructed in the stabilized visualizations Of the adept lamas and reincarnatlons. Tibetans feel that to enter the presence Of such a person is tO enter a Pure Land; and all the places where adept lamas have spent time— their houses, mon- astenes, retreat caves, vehicles —become sacred environments, and the faithful can draw closer to liberation by entering such spaces. Through Tibet's seventeen-hundred-year assoclation with the Buddha reality, the entire land of Tibet has become the closest place on earth tO an actual Pure Land. Catalogue: Perfected Worlds ・ 312

三をグ 0 啾 ( ダー、靉当にを黶第。 134.4 134.5 gYob-'dzin [Yobdzin] with a club, and red there is a white Chulha (Varuna), holding IS not mentioned in the text: he hOldS a rDzogs-byed [Dzogjey] with a fighting a snake lasso and sitting on a sea monster. disc with the Chinese character , "the discus. AII these deities hold these ln the northwest, there is a smoky Lunglha sun," cut into it. NO. U-1191 is evidently implements in their right hands and a (Vayu), holding a banner and sitting on a Prthividevi. She sits on a pig with a vase ln mongoose in their left hands. ' deer. ln the north, there is a yellow Nöjin her left hand. The last sculpture in the AII the Hermitage JambhaIas hold a (Kubera or Yaksha), holding a mongoose Hermitage group of World Gods is a mongoose in their left hands as well and sitting on a horse. ln the northeast, chariot with a horse ( NO. U-1195 ). lt ( 134.3 ). As for their right hands, one there is a white Wangden (lshana), holding is unknown whether there was any deity Jambhala from the Hermitage mandala a trident and sitting on his bull, Nandi. in this chariot, b ut it cannot be lndra holds a vaJra in his right hand ( No. Finally, in the west-southwest, there is a or Rakshasa. various differences U-1158 ). So he is definitely Jijig. Six yellow Sailhamo (Prthividevi), holding a between the text and the Hermitage deities shOW the threatenlng gesture (the vase and sitting on a boar. assemblage open the possibility that the 4 ⅲ川〃市 4 ) with their right hands, Only one of the Hermitage WorId Gods sculptures originally represented the larger holding no implements. Four Jambhalas can be Brahma ー No. U-1190. The four- traditional group known as the Fifteen hold an object resembling the vajra handle faced god sits on a goose. According to WorId Gods, which includes five more Of some attribute in their right hands. TWO the text, his implement is a wheel, but the deities along with the above ten: Surya, the of these hands (Nos. U -1151 , U-1155 ) Hermitage Brahma has no implements at sun, WhO rides a horse-drawn chariot; have a small opening that can be used for all. One of the deities has been lost and its Chandra, the moon; Vishnu, who rides a inserting the upper part Of an attribute empty pedestal ( NO. U-1192 ) could belong peacock and holds a discus; Ganesha, who into them. The last Jambhala ( No. U- to either lndra or Rakshasa. Anyway, one rides a rat; and Vemachitra, who holds a 1148 ) holds his right hand at his breast Of these tWO deities is absent in the S 、 and alSO rides a chariot. with his palm turned upward and his Hermitage mandala. No. U-1193 is Agni, The situation is the same with the eight fingers slightly bent. There is an opemng who sits on a goat, holding what appears Buddhas and the sixteen Bodhisattvas. in his palm for an implement. tO be a vase with a spout instead Of the Their descriptions in the text fail to help A companson of the iconography of the usual medicine cake. Yama SltS on a identify many Of the images with certainty. buffalo ( No. U-1186 ) , but holds a skull Ten World Gods with their images in the The reason for all these differences mandala is no less interesting ( 134.4 ). bOWl instead Of a mace. as iS said unclear. For the time being it can only be According tO the text, in the east are in the text, S1ts on a sea monster, his left suggested that the Chinese masters WhO yellow Tsangpa (Brahma), holding a wheel hand empty and his right hand broken; he cast this set in the middle of the 18th and sitting on a goose, and white Gyajin might easily have held a snake lasso in the century, probably under the supervlsion of (lndra), holding a vaJra and sitting on an broken hand. Vayu ( No. U-1195 ) sits on a the Jangkya Hutuktu, did not use the elephant. ln the southeast, there is a red deer, and his hands are empty, while he 犬 g ァ〃 d 5 た〃れ房 text. lt is possible Melha (Agni), holding a medicine cake and should hold a banner. Besides a mongoose, that a Gelukpa text was used as the source sitting on a goat. ln the south, there is a the Hermitage Kubera ( No. U-1189 ) , for the iconography of the deities. Both the blue Shinje (Yama), holding a mace and whO is sitting on a horse, hOlds a trident. Fifth DaIai Lama and his regent, Desi sitting on a buffalo. ln the southwest, No. U-1187 is probably lshana. The deity Samay Gyatso, wrote about this mandala, there is a dark red-black Sinpo (Rakshasa), and developed various modified in the Hermitage mandala sits on an holding a sword and sitting on a zombie unknown bird with a long flat beak. arrangements. ( 工 ro 〃 & "risen corpse"). ln the west, Whoever this deity may be, his implement G. Leonov Catalogue: Perfected Worlds ・ 340

discussed by PaI ( 1990 , pp. 68 ー 71 ) , who suggests that the lndian tradition of Arhat portrayal, of which no extant examples are known, may have been like the early lama representations such as the one in the Ford tangka ( No. 95 ). The lndian style is said to have been introduced by one of the three pandits who accompanied Atisha (Tucci, 1949 , p. 562 ). A major point Of distinction between the lndian and Chinese portrayals suggested by the Kunga Rinchen text is that the lndian ArhatS are drawn as monks with three garments in blue, red, and yellow, while the Chinese style portrays them in "ample silken robes" 0f somber hue, like scholars. Landscape settings for the ArhatS are mentioned in this same text for all three traditions. The Chinese style includes palaces ornamented with lattice work" (Tucci, 1949 , p. 562 ) , a feature that appears ln some early Tibetan Arhat paintings such as No. 13. ln China several famous stylistic traditions for the Arhats emerged, some 0f which seem t0 have had a bearing on the Tibetan Arhat tradition. One is associated with the late Tang painter Guan Xiu ( 832 ー 912 ) , who monumentalized them as magnificent but Often bizarre figures with TaOist overtones. He presented them at close Vlew• with few indications Of a natural setting. Elements 0f this tradition, mainly the 10fty monumentality and the forceful characterization, as reinter- preted in Yuan period Buddhist painting, may be seen in the earliest known Tibetan Arhat paintings, two Of which are Nos. 12 and 13. But whereas Guan Xiu's Arhats were essentially monochromatic and used landscape sparingly, the Tibetan examples employ brilliant color and more landscape as well as some lndo-Nepalese elements, creating a stunning and successful new interpretation Of the Arhat theme. Another major tradition Of Arhat painting in China stems from the style of the master painter Li Gonglin (). 1106 ) , who was famous not only for his landscape and figure painting, but 引 so for his Buddhist painting. Arhat paintings by Chinese professional and academic pamters in the late 12th t0 13th century combined color with the masterfully fluid drawing style of Li Gonglin, especially skillful in the portrayal of masses of flowing drapery. They 引 so included richly formulated landsc 叩 e elements, which had developed t0 a high point in Song-peri0d painting. The incorporation 0f this tradition, as lt evolved through Yuan and early Ming painting, 103 ・ Catalogue: Sacred History can be seen in Tibetan art ln such paintings as the set Of Arhats from the late 14th to early 15th century from Shigatse now in the British Museum (see text tO NO. 14 ). ln the later periods Of Tibetan art there is a close correspondence between developments in Chinese painting and the schOOls in Eastern Tibet, such as the famous Karma Gadri school, which began in the second half of the 16th century. The styles of Eastern Tibetan painting in turn seem tO impact on the art Of the central regions. An indication Of the complex styles in the Eastern Tibetan schools from the 16th tO the 18th century can be seen in the three later Arhat paintings, Nos. 17 , 18 , 19. ln general, these developments show a change from landscapes of great clarity, delicacy, beauty, and naturalism with a somewhat artificial placement of the main Arhat as if unrelated to his setting ( No. 17 ) t0 a better integrated coordination between the primary figures and the landscape, which becomes either more fantastic ( NO. 19 ) or more spacious ( NO. 18 ). There are a number of ways in which the Arhats are presented in Tibetan painting. Usually they appear singly in a set 0f eighteen individual tangkas, or ln groups 0f four or more ln one palnting within the series. Some depict specialized scenes, such as the coming Of the Arhats over the sea (related to the tale of Hvashang). ln a number of 15th-century paintings they appear grouped with Shakyamuni Buddha (Nos. 3 , 4 , 6 ). There is one interestlng example of the seventeen Arhats with Tsong Khapa in a mid- 15th-century painting (Tucci, 1949 , pl. 13 ). These are especially valuable for depicting the sequence, characterizatlon, and attributes Of the Arhats at an early stage Of their evolution in Tibetan art. TWO factors usually stand out with regard t0 Arhat paintings: the personality of the Arhat himself and the landscape setting ・ Certainly Arhat pamtings contributed t0 the development 0f portraitlike representation and tO the depiction Of landscape ln Tibetan art. ln sculpture there are several famous sets Of ArhatS, such as those at the Peljor Chöde in Gyantse from around the second quarter of the 15th century (Liu, 1957 , pls. 69 ー 72 ) and another at Sera monastery in Lhasa (text fig. 22 ; Jigme, 1981 , pl. 18 6 ). They are also popular as sets of small bronze sculptures, particularly in China, which is probably the origln of the two remarkable examples presented here (Nos. 15 , 16 ).

91 Lama (Portrait 0f a Monk) Khara Khoto, Central Asia Before 1227 Tangka ; gouache on COtton 15X10 防″ ( 38 X27 cm) The State Hermitage, Leningrad Lit. : OIdenburg, 1914 , p. 145. A monk, portrayed as a teacher, sits on a throne on a moon-disc cushion that iS turn on top Of a multicolored lOtus. A carpet iS hung from the throne, which is typical 0f Central Asia, with a crosspiece at the top supported by dark blue, golden- tailed, goatlike leogryphs ( 訪面 / ぉ ) that are each standing on an elephant. There are yellow geese above the crosspiece. The monk sits in the diamond pose. His right hand makes the discerning gesture, and his left hand lies flat in his lap in the contemplation gesture. HiS inner robe iS yellow, his outer robe is lilac-brown, and his outermost sittlng robe is orange-red. From Tangut sources translated by Prof. E. I. Kychanov, we know that Tangut monks' robes could be yellow, black, red, and violet. Only occasionally is it possible to explain the meaning 0f the differences Of color, as they refer tO adherence tO a particular order or tO h iera rchy Of rank within an order. There were three sanghas (Buddhist communities) in Xi Xia: Tangut, Tibetan, and mixed Tangut-Chinese. ()t is not yet known if there was a mixed Tangut-Tibetan sangha. ) ln texts currently known in Tangut studies, there is no mentlon Of antagomsm among the var1011S sanghas. The people of Xi Xia could not wear red or yellow clothing. An exception seems tO correspond tO the depiction Of was made for monks, but it did not extend monks in the tangkas. tO outer 、 vear; a monk could not 、 a Bel()W are patrons ln riCh robes and yellow outermost robe. The abbot wore headpieces, a male on the left and a female red clothing, and someone dressed in on the right. Oldenburg believed that they yellow was lower in the hierarchy than are Uighurs; however, they may be Tanguts. someone dressed in red or ViOlet. The offense of wearing red or violet clothing There are analogous 、 vomen's hairstyles— a was punished by removal from office high knot of hair covered with a golden net—depicted in Other icons from Khara (Kychanov, 1982 , pp. 30 , 40 , 48 , 49 ). Unfortunately, this informatlon rarely KhOtO with Tangut inscriptlons. From Tangut writings we know that portralture existed as a genre in Xi Xia. (Portra1ture Of patrons in Khara KhOtO iS a fertile topic for research). portraits Of teachers are known both in Chinese Buddhist and Tibetan traditions. ThiS one bears more resemblance to Tibetan works, although it IS not possible tO link it with a particular personage. K. Samosyuk 255 ・ Catalogue: Buddhist Orders

149 Padma Sambhava ⅲ the Palace of the 朝 0 「 ious Copper Mountain Paradise Eastern Tibet ⑦ Late 18 市 to early 19th century Tangka; gouache on COtton 24 % X16 % " ( 61.6X41.3 cm) Collection of The Newark Museum, Newark, New Jersey. Purchase 1969. The Members' Fund Lit. : ReynoIds et al, 1986 , pp. 164 ー 65. The GIorious Copper Mountain Paradise is the Pure Land of Padma Sambhava, the yogi from Uddiyana considered an ema- nation of Amitabha and Avalokiteshvara. lt is said tO be located somewhere tO the southwest, across the sea from lndia, perhaps in Madagascar or even Africa. lt takes its name from the copper coloring Of the mountain. Tibetans believe that Master Padma Sambhava retired there when he left Tibet, and that he dwells there to this day. ln this pamting Padma Sambhava sits in front of his triple-storied palace together With hiS t 、 V() consorts, some lamas, and others, including a Buddha. ln the shrine on the second floor is Shadakshari Avalo- kiteshvara and his attendants; Amitabha Buddha occupies the topmost level under the hexagonal golden roof. Dancing Dakinis— female Buddhas —play around these upper stones within the encompassmg arc 0f the large ha10 that surrounds the palace. A triad with Shakyamuni Buddha in the center is at the summit Of the painting. Around them the sky and cloud clusters teem with celestial Dakinis, offering goddesses dancing and playing music, demomc creatures, and various protectors ( 149.1 ). Standing guard at the entrances in the golden-roofed hexagonal wall surrounding the palace are the Four HeavenIy Kings of the directions. BelOW, ln caves Within the mountalll, Slt yoglC ascet1CS, and in the moatlike sea around the mountaln are the Nagas, the dragon deities, and their sunken, palatial shrines. On a thin bridge between tWO stupas, tWO ascetICS cross the swirling waters. On the opposite shore, in the foreground, is the land of the 盟た訪おお , cannibal demons, whom Padma Sambhava unceasingly works tO civilize. They are depicted engaged in gruesome actlvltles that contrast starkly with the celestial beings in the upper part of the painting. 363 ・ Catalogue: Perfected WorIds 149.1 This painting is a typical rendering of this popular theme, which had become standardized by the 18th century. Although particularly animated and complex, it iS executed in a delicate style, probably of Eastern Tibet from the late 18th to the early 19th century. Along with the quiet center around Padma Sambhava, the rainbow-edged, peach-colored halo with its thin golden rays and the strong orange-red Of the mountalll seem tO be the most stable factors. Otherwise the painting is crowded with figures, whose scattered placement and wild activities create an lncessant, churning agitation that is reinforced by the somewhat nervous liveliness of the line. This type of depiction of Padma Sambhava's paradise, emphasizing the large mountaln, IS different from the representation in 「 N ( ). 50. lt may be a type special to a particular reglon, such as Eastern Tibet, or perhaps represents a more general function than the type in NO. 50.

ーら 0 学 with royal figures within, in the four Of techniques seen, for example, in the corners and on the lower right and left robes of the Arhat in No. 13 , but it is probably indicating the heavenly abodes presented here in a more lUXunant, of the ancient Dharma kings of Tibet. slightly mannered way. The array of On the bottom Of the tree trunk is scenes, each With itS own nvers, trees, a Shakyamuni figure, with a Padma shrines, and worshiping figures, creates Sambhava and four-armed Avaloki- a splendid, clearly organized yet rich teshvara above him, the Emanation and and complex painting. lt is a major Beatific Body forms that proceed from painting that seems tO bridge the time between the wall paintings of Shalu Amitabha as a Truth Body Buddha. monastery 0f the early 14 [ h century and Above Amitayus are three small Buddhas the more fully developed styles of the ln teaching gesture. Gyantse Kumbum wall paintings of the ThiS maJestiC work possesses the ln this handsome painting the Buddha strong, deep coloring typical 0f some second quarter of the 15th century, and of lnfinite Life (a form of the lnfinite paintings around the second half 0f it is one Of the earliest examples Of the Light Buddha, Amitabha) is surrounded the 14th to the early 15th century that Sukhavati theme in Tibetan tangka by scenes of his Pure Land, Sukhavati, appear in the w 引 1 paintings of the paintlngs. Similar tO the Karmapa presented as upheld on the trunk of a Gyantse Kumbum. The line drawing is sculpture in NO. 205 , it may represent masslve cosm1C tree that gro 、 up from firm and sharp. The modeling of parts a schOOl from Eastern Tibet, but at the earth. There are SIX palace scenes of the Buddha's robes is remimscent present this is difficult tO confirm. 225 ( 144b ) Amitayus ⅲ Sukhavati Central Regions, Tibet; or Eastern Tibet Second half of the 14th to early 15th century Tangka; gouache on COtton 25 % x 19 % " ( 64.1 X48.9 cm) Collection of Shelley and Donald Rubin Supplement ・ 470

当・ニ二こぃ 97.3 scale, sittlng on a lion throne with a lOtus Around the central figure are many thiS there iS a processlon Of monks scenes, most Of them depicting events that seat and side panels adorned with animals transportmg a Maitreya Buddha statue in ( 97.2 ). ln his left hand he holds the vase of are connected With visions, dreams, and a 、 vagon. lmmortality, the symbol 0f Amitayus, the teachings concerning the Dalai Lama's The profusion of monastic settings Buddha of lnfinite Life. Behind him, the spiritual practice. lnscriptlons on the makes architectural forms the primary shrine backing with scrolling tails of borders and within the painting identify, compositional factor. The var1011S 川 4 た 4m5 (fantastlc composite beasts, part where still legible, each of the scenes. For buildings are highly two-dimensional, but there is such variety, attentlon tO detail fish and part crocodile) forms the overhead example, those at the upper left involve his arch. Many elements are traditional and between-state experrence (after the death and beauty Of color that there is no sense are related tO the lndo-Nepalese artistic Of hiS preV1011S lncarnatlon and before hiS Of overburdened repetition. The white styles especially fostered by the monas- walls, the black woodwork of the windows remcarnation in 1543 ) , which is reported tenes in Tsang and Guge during the in his biogr 叩 hy. His subtle body first and doors, the occasional brilliant orange 15th century. However, the lightness of visited the Tushita Heaven and saw the of some of the buildings, and the gold of line, the elongation of the body—especially Bodhisattva Maitreya. From there it went the roofs all reverberate against the evident in the long right arm making the on to the Sukhavati Buddha land, and then predominantly blue background. The earth-witness gesture—and the subdued, to Padma Sambhava's Glorious Copper architecture creates a pleasing tapestry Of muted C010r tones appear tO be distinctive Mountain paradise, before returning tO delicate, translucent, and abstract C010r elements in the Western Tibetan schools Of planes. With gentle simplicity the subdued remcarnate in Tibet. Other scenes depict the 16th century. The light, loose folds of landscape elements ()f mountams, trees, the Third Dalai Lama's visits to vanous the robes, with their distinctlve, sweepmg dark blue sky, and clouds serve to separate monastenes, such as sera, samye, and curves, indicate the incorporatlon Of some Ganden, the latter shown in the large the architectural scenes 1ntO grouprngs. elements Of Chinese stylistic inspiration, The refinement and sensitivity of this scene in the center at the bottom ( 97.3 ). as alSO seen in the robes Of figures in There are a number of temples depicted magically beautifulsetting, where heavenly pamtings from the central regions Of this with statues, such as at the left side, where and earthly forms float with transcendent time and in the Buddha in a nearly the Eleven-Faced Avalokiteshvara is seen in lightness, create an lnspired and suitable contempora ry work probably from the a small shrine to the left of a large shrine atmosphere for the mystical events Of the with Shakyamuni Buddha ( 97.1 ). Below Dalai Lama's biography. eastern regions ( NO. 7 ). 271 ・ CataIogue: Buddhist Orders

。イ ( ツ呶を当心さ 134.3 134.1 134.2 numbers), and the mandala "dissolved' the Other hand, the mention Of the points There are sixteen Bodhisattvas ( 134.2 ) of the compass and of the three levels in the second circle (the "middle room") intO the collection. lt was the evident similarity Of the sculptures tO each Other ("rooms' ) in the inscriptions made it clear and the Twelve Jambhalas, wealth deities that this system could only be a mandala. ( 134.3 ) , and the Ten WorId Gods ( 134.4 ) that attracted attentlon and allowed them An attempt was made tO determine the in the third circle (the "lower room " ). The tO be reassembled once agaln. The date and the provena nce of the original order of the images with the help Four Heavenly Kings ( 134.5 ) occupy their Of the numbers cut on every sculpture. But places at the four gates of the mandala. lmages d0 not create any difficulties —they nothing came Of this, as these numbers did lt turned out to be more difficult to deal seem tO be made by the same masters as with the individual iconography of the the bronzes of the Baoxiang (Pao-hsiang) not coincide with the numbers on the paper labels. For example, one 0f the deities. The individual iconography of the Lou pantheon. ln addition, the Chinese ongin 0f these images is confirmed by Buddhas ( No. U -620 ) , has "eight" (Ch. 房 ) Hermitage images does not coincide either with the text or with the tangka. The only the presence Of Chinese characters Of cut on the lower edge and "two" (Ch. ) wrltten in its label. exception is the group of the Four Heavenly numerical meaning cut on the bOttom Kings, whose iconography in the Hermitage plates and on the lower edges of almost The original mandala was soon found, however. lt was the Fifty-one-fold sculptures is traditional, which allowed us all the sculptures. The images form five tO identify the four deities exactly. iconographic groups: eight Buddhas, Bhaishajyaguru Mandala, the third one in the collection of 132 mandalas from the SIXteen Bodhisattvas, twelve images Of The Twelve Jambhalas, as they are call- ed, are an lnterestlng group tO examine. ln JambhaIa, Ten World Gods sitting on Sakya Ngor monastery (Vira and Chandra, 1967 , part 13 , no. 3 ). This set of The 立な 4 可舫ビ Lo 可 H 〃〃 g (Beijing, different animals, and the Four Heavenly mandalas is based on the collection Of 1936 , Buddhist Scriptures Series, No. 1 , p. Kings. 24 ) , the Sanskrit names of these deities Tibetan ritual texts Rgyud 5 た〃〃房 Pieces Of paper ()n some cases, small are: Kumbhira, Vajra, Mihira, Andhira, ('Jam-dbyangs Blo-gter-dbang-po, ed. , fragments) with Chinese characters written Majira, Shandira, lndra, Pajra, Makura, 1971 , I, pp. 62 ー 67 ). AII the mandalas ln cursrve scr1Pt surVIVe on the bOttom Sindura, Chatura, and Vikarala. (See also were reproduced as black-and-white plates of some sculptures. They read, for Birnbaum, 1989 , p. 169. ) The Tibetan drawings in this edition. Later, a full-color example, NO. U -626 , one 0f the Buddhas: reproduction of the set was published (see names, as they are glven in the evocatlon 、、 Number three, the third sculpture, tex ts, dO not see m tO correspond ex ac tly Sonami and Tachikawa, 1983 ). On the starting from the west, behind the Buddha in all cases: "ln the east, there are yellow in the upper room" ("shang wu fo hoy si whole, the Hermitage mandala coincides Ji-'jigs [Jijig] with a vaJra in his right with both the tangka and the text almost qi san cun san hao"); NO. U -877 , a completely. hand, red rDo-rje [Dorje] with a sword, Bodhisattva: 、、 Number one, the first sculpture, starting from the east, in front The main deity of the mandala is yellow rGyan-'dzin [Gyandzin] with a Bhaishajyaguru, the Medicine Buddha. club. ln the north, there are a light-blue of the Buddha in the middle room ” ( 、、 shang wu f0 hoy si qi yi cun yi hao"); There are seven other Medicine Buddhas gZa'-'dzin [Sadzin] with a club, red rLung- ( 134.1 ) and a four-armed Prajnyaparamita 'dzin [Lungdzin] with a trident, smoky and No. U -1195 , a WorId God: "ln front of the Buddha in the lower room" ("xia Goddess in the first circle (the "upper gNas-bcas [Neyjey] with a sword. ln the room " ). There is no image 0f this goddess wu fo qian . ). Such inscrrptions west, there are red dBang-'dzin [Wangdzin] in the Hermitage collection at all and survived on only eleven sculptures, and it with a club, yellow bTud-'dzin [Tudzin] judging by Grünwedel's description it had was lmpossible tO reconstruct with on with a club, light red sMra-'dzin [Madzin] their information the system to which the not been bought by Ukhtomsky together with an ax. ln the south, there are yellow entire fifty images originally belonged. On with the other fifty images ・ bSam-'dzin [Samdzin] with a rope, blue 339 ・ CataIogue: Perfected Worlds

物黜を重 211 ( 96 ト ) Tsong Khapa Central Regions, Tibet Last quarter 0f the 15th century Tangka; gouache on COtton 37 防 X28 " ( 95.3X72.1 cm) Collection of Michael McCormick The Precious Master, Jey Rinpoche Tsong Khapa, sits alone in a teaching gesture, with the sutra ト 00k and sword, symbols of wisdom and the discrim- lnating mind that understands true wisdom, carried unpretentiously on the lotus blossoms above his shoulders. His face is large, with refined features. He is arrayed in his yellow hat and his robes are decorated in gold floral patterns. The degree Of looseness in the depiction of the robes, the still clearly defined shape of the torso, and the style of the halo and pedestal indicate a dating ca. second half of the 15th century. The subdued coloration, espe- cially of dark blue, brown, and dark green, is unlike the bright colors often seen in paintings 0f the Sakyapa schools in the 15th century, and seems tO connote some inclusion Of the Khyenr1 style (after the artist Jamyang Khyentse Wangchuk, ca. mid-15th century), judging from that style as represented by the wall paintings at the Gongkar Chöde monastery. Even the form of the lOtus ShOWS some link tO the vine style in these wall paintlngs. ln the top row above sit, left to right, four lndian sages, including Nagarjuna; the Bodhisattva Maitreya; Shakyamuni in the center; Manjushri; and four more lndian sages. BelOW them, there are four Father-Mother archetype deities flanking Tsong Khapa's halo (from left to right, Guhyasamaja, Chakrasamvara, Yamantaka, and Mahachakra Vajra- pani). There is a small Manjushri near the sword, an Atisha near the book, and White and Green Taras at his right and left knees. The lama above the Green Tara on our right is labeled Gedun Drubpa, later named the First DaIai Lama. The inclusion of Gedun Drubpa, who died in 1471 , indicates that this tangka was probably made after that date; his promrnent posltion suggests lt may have been made close to his life- time. There are a slx-armed Mahakala in the center Of the pedestal base and an Outer Yama on a buffalo in the lower right corner. AII the other surrounding figures are lamas, fourteen on each Side and ten a row on the bottom, most named by faded inscriptions. On the reverse Of the palnting, in addition tO the usual OM AH HUM and OM YE DHARMA and similar mantras, there is an lnscrlption Of the famous verse, "I bow to the feet 0f Losang Drakpa, whO is Lokeshvara, great treasure of inconceivable love, ManJushri, lord Of taintless wisdom, the Lord of secrets, conqueror 0f all devils, Tsong Khapa, crown jewel 0f sages 0f the Land of Snows!" ThiS painting is lmportant ln documenting the early Gelukpa paintmgs, of which only a very few from the 15th century are known. Supplement ・ 456