taken there in the presence Of Amitabha. There is the Eastern Pure Land, known as Abhirati, the DeIightfuI, created and maintained by the Buddha Akshobhya (UnshakabIe). This is the land where Great Adepts like VimaIakirti and MiIarepa often dwell. lt is a less ethereal, more earthlike realm, but in a umverse tO the east, far beyond our own— as many umverses tO the east as there are grains of sand in slxty-two Ganges riverbeds (see No. 151 ). There is also the Manorama paradise within Tushita Heaven, fourth heaven of the desire realm, where perfect Buddha emanatlons always spend a last celestiallife teaching the Dharma to gods, angels, and sages before becoming a Supreme Emanation Buddha on earth. When Shakyamum Buddha left there to come to our earth, the Bodhisattva Maitreya became regent, tO rule and teach there until he t00 descends tO earth in the future. But Maitreya is believed to be actlve in the world as a Bodhisattva even now, emanating as helping beings t0 work among us. The great master Asanga (ca. 4th century (E) was said tO have met Maitreya in person, tO have been taken up tO Tushita with him, and to have received five sacred books there, which he brought back with him to lndia. These five books form the backbone of the curriculum Of the great compassion teachings, the magnificent stage 0f the path t0 enlightenment. The famous monastery founded by Tsong Khapa near Lhasa in 1415 was named after Tushita Heaven ( 工 Ganden) to indicate its connectlon to the millennial hope Of Maitreya's future presence on earth. Tibetans believe they can be reborn in any of these three celestial Pure Lands, depending on which Bodhisattva or Buddha they can best envislon and trust. Thus, the numerous icons and statues Of the Five Transcendent Buddhas, the Tathagatas of the directions —popularly Akshobhya in the east, Vairochana in the center, Ratnasambhava in the south, Amitabha in the west, and Amoghasiddhi in the north —are everywhere in Tibetan temples, in texts and block prints, painted and carved on mountainsides, on giant bannerlike appliqué lcons twenty stories high, sculpted in clay, or butter, or dough. Tibetans encounter their own pure celestial potential in seeing these paradigmatic deities. On the earthly level, there are a number of Pure Lands hidden away in Tibet. ln the south of lndia there is the Potalaka (Haven) Paradise, the mountain retreat of AvaIokiteshvara and Tara, after which the Great Fifth Dalai Lama named his palace in Lhasa (text fig. 25 ). To the southwest, on another continent that seems tO resemble Africa from its descriptions, there is the Glorious Copper Mountain Paradise of Padma Sambhava, where he dwells immortally and continues teaching his circle of adepts ( No. 149 ). To the northwest, hidden in the Pamirs or the Hindu Kush, there is the Uddiyana Dakini Paradise, where female Buddhas in Dakini embodiments preserve the Mother tantra teachings of the La 〃 g ん〃 g 協 4 ( H ビレ可 ) and the S ゆ川ビ B 騰 5 WheeI g 〃 0 〃 ( ル川お〃たん - C わ 4 た覊川 ) 厩 and whence they visit the outer world tO inspire adepts' practice. ln the east, ln northwest China, there is the Five Mountain Paradise of the Bodhisattva Manjushri, where the pilgrim has a chance Of meeting the prince ofWisdom in person, and where the cultivation of transcendent wisdom is most ad- vantageous. ln the north, perhaps somewhere in the arctlC regions, lies the hidden paradise of Shambhala, a vast nation Of ninety-six provinces, where technology was already advanced twenty-five hundred years ago, and where the entire population dedicates its energies tO the study and practice Of the W 可 T 肥 the Ka 信訪 4 た厩 ( No. 155 ). AII of these Pure Lands are on this earth yet subtly hidden from the ordinary sight of ignorant people. One can go to the Five Mountain Paradise as a pilgrim and see only a beautiful landscape Of green and misty mountains with flat, m01St platformlike peaks. One could fly over the arctic, and not see the vast land of ShambhaIa, though northern Tibetan nomads might see lts rooftops reflected in the aurora borealis. But Tibetans have legends of Great Adepts who visited these lands and brought back teachings. Even simple people visit them in their dreams at times. And they are yet another way by which the Tibetan imagination makes the full manifestation of enlightenment seem closer. Finally, there are the microcosmic Pure Lands, through which the landscape of Tibet itself became transformed into a secondary Pure Land 0f Ava10kiteshvara, who lives as its ruler ln contlnuous remcarnatlons in the majestic POtala temple- palace-monastery (text fig. 26 ). These sacred microcosms are accessed by stupa monuments, c わ 5 〃 5 , by painted, colored- particle, or three-dimensional mandala constructions, by magicalchants and rituals and dances, or most perfectly by the lnner visualizations of the lama adepts, yogis, and yoginis. The subtle materials of the human imagination are the finest of all the artist1C media by which these mlcrocosmic Pure Lands are created. They are constructed in the stabilized visualizations Of the adept lamas and reincarnatlons. Tibetans feel that to enter the presence Of such a person is tO enter a Pure Land; and all the places where adept lamas have spent time— their houses, mon- astenes, retreat caves, vehicles —become sacred environments, and the faithful can draw closer to liberation by entering such spaces. Through Tibet's seventeen-hundred-year assoclation with the Buddha reality, the entire land of Tibet has become the closest place on earth tO an actual Pure Land. Catalogue: Perfected Worlds ・ 312

rosette in relief, and there iS a spectacular pr0Jecting rim composed 0f eight leafy lotus pedestals linked together. These pedestals each hold a small sculpture, either Of the ausprcious symbOl Of the vase (with the Three Jewels on top) or of the pair of fish. An ingenious mternal mechanism allows the globe t0 open when the pillar-stem is moved upward by moving this pr0Jectlng rlm. The theme of the seven treasures Of the umversal monarch appears ln lncised drawings on the bulging middle of the globe. lncluding a representation of the monarch ()r possibly the minister in this case), these symbols (moving clockwise from the king or minister) are the faithful queen, the wish-granting jewel, the wheel Of universal soverelgnty, a vase (not usually included, but it is perhaps either a substitute for the min1Ster or simply a filling for the eighth petal), the general, the horse, and the elephant ( the latter two each with a flaming jewel on its back). Each figure appears on a cloud and has a pair Of flO 、 ver rosettes above, positioned like the sun and the moon. Another set Of lncised linear symbols appears near the peak of the closed globe. Moving clockwise from the same petal containing the monarch ()r minister), they are the nurror on a lOtus, a canopy, a ViCtory banner, a bowl holding the sun and moon emblems, another canopy, a tied ribbon, a vase holding a jewel, and a canopy raised over a building ( 103.2 ). These seem to be mixtures Of various ausp ICIOLIS symbols and dO not follow a standardized verslon. This work is a handsome example, probably of Chinese make, of this specialized form 0f mandala. lt is a type 、 known from earlier times in lndian sculpture, particularly 0f the Pala dynasty (ca. mid-8th to late 12th century). lt has a grandeur and heaviness that suggest a date possibly in the late Ming dynasty. The sculptured figures have power and a quality Of dramatic movement that may be equated with sculptures 0f the 17th century. The jewel decor is rather stiff and simple, but prominent and well fashioned, much like some images from 17th century. The line drawings, in their freedom, simplicity, and naturalism, seem similar tO figures appearmg ln some 17th-century tangkas. 00 103.2 103.3 281 ・ Catalogue: Buddhist Orders

三をグ 0 啾 ( ダー、靉当にを黶第。 134.4 134.5 gYob-'dzin [Yobdzin] with a club, and red there is a white Chulha (Varuna), holding IS not mentioned in the text: he hOldS a rDzogs-byed [Dzogjey] with a fighting a snake lasso and sitting on a sea monster. disc with the Chinese character , "the discus. AII these deities hold these ln the northwest, there is a smoky Lunglha sun," cut into it. NO. U-1191 is evidently implements in their right hands and a (Vayu), holding a banner and sitting on a Prthividevi. She sits on a pig with a vase ln mongoose in their left hands. ' deer. ln the north, there is a yellow Nöjin her left hand. The last sculpture in the AII the Hermitage JambhaIas hold a (Kubera or Yaksha), holding a mongoose Hermitage group of World Gods is a mongoose in their left hands as well and sitting on a horse. ln the northeast, chariot with a horse ( NO. U-1195 ). lt ( 134.3 ). As for their right hands, one there is a white Wangden (lshana), holding is unknown whether there was any deity Jambhala from the Hermitage mandala a trident and sitting on his bull, Nandi. in this chariot, b ut it cannot be lndra holds a vaJra in his right hand ( No. Finally, in the west-southwest, there is a or Rakshasa. various differences U-1158 ). So he is definitely Jijig. Six yellow Sailhamo (Prthividevi), holding a between the text and the Hermitage deities shOW the threatenlng gesture (the vase and sitting on a boar. assemblage open the possibility that the 4 ⅲ川〃市 4 ) with their right hands, Only one of the Hermitage WorId Gods sculptures originally represented the larger holding no implements. Four Jambhalas can be Brahma ー No. U-1190. The four- traditional group known as the Fifteen hold an object resembling the vajra handle faced god sits on a goose. According to WorId Gods, which includes five more Of some attribute in their right hands. TWO the text, his implement is a wheel, but the deities along with the above ten: Surya, the of these hands (Nos. U -1151 , U-1155 ) Hermitage Brahma has no implements at sun, WhO rides a horse-drawn chariot; have a small opening that can be used for all. One of the deities has been lost and its Chandra, the moon; Vishnu, who rides a inserting the upper part Of an attribute empty pedestal ( NO. U-1192 ) could belong peacock and holds a discus; Ganesha, who into them. The last Jambhala ( No. U- to either lndra or Rakshasa. Anyway, one rides a rat; and Vemachitra, who holds a 1148 ) holds his right hand at his breast Of these tWO deities is absent in the S 、 and alSO rides a chariot. with his palm turned upward and his Hermitage mandala. No. U-1193 is Agni, The situation is the same with the eight fingers slightly bent. There is an opemng who sits on a goat, holding what appears Buddhas and the sixteen Bodhisattvas. in his palm for an implement. tO be a vase with a spout instead Of the Their descriptions in the text fail to help A companson of the iconography of the usual medicine cake. Yama SltS on a identify many Of the images with certainty. buffalo ( No. U-1186 ) , but holds a skull Ten World Gods with their images in the The reason for all these differences mandala is no less interesting ( 134.4 ). bOWl instead Of a mace. as iS said unclear. For the time being it can only be According tO the text, in the east are in the text, S1ts on a sea monster, his left suggested that the Chinese masters WhO yellow Tsangpa (Brahma), holding a wheel hand empty and his right hand broken; he cast this set in the middle of the 18th and sitting on a goose, and white Gyajin might easily have held a snake lasso in the century, probably under the supervlsion of (lndra), holding a vaJra and sitting on an broken hand. Vayu ( No. U-1195 ) sits on a the Jangkya Hutuktu, did not use the elephant. ln the southeast, there is a red deer, and his hands are empty, while he 犬 g ァ〃 d 5 た〃れ房 text. lt is possible Melha (Agni), holding a medicine cake and should hold a banner. Besides a mongoose, that a Gelukpa text was used as the source sitting on a goat. ln the south, there is a the Hermitage Kubera ( No. U-1189 ) , for the iconography of the deities. Both the blue Shinje (Yama), holding a mace and whO is sitting on a horse, hOlds a trident. Fifth DaIai Lama and his regent, Desi sitting on a buffalo. ln the southwest, No. U-1187 is probably lshana. The deity Samay Gyatso, wrote about this mandala, there is a dark red-black Sinpo (Rakshasa), and developed various modified in the Hermitage mandala sits on an holding a sword and sitting on a zombie unknown bird with a long flat beak. arrangements. ( 工 ro 〃 & "risen corpse"). ln the west, Whoever this deity may be, his implement G. Leonov Catalogue: Perfected Worlds ・ 340

This image presents a number of problems, most Of which have remained without a suitable solution. TO begin with, the design Of the lotus petals surrounding the throne relates tO sculptu re Of the Qing tra dition. This is supported by typical Qing flowers chased on Chandrakirti's garment. The even number Of petals (eighteen in this case) also occurs in early Qing Buddhist bronzes. The puzzling detail is the size of the central petal at the back of the throne. 37 Chandrakirti Tibeto-Chinese First half cf the 18th century Bronze with chasing, cold gold paste, and pigments H. 7 防″ ( 19.1 cm) The State Hermitage, Leningrad. Prince Ukhtomsky CoIlection Does this number—eighteen—have any symbolic or lconographic meaning? ls it connected in any way with the particular person in the sculpture ~ Or does it JIISt relate the sculpture tO a certaln artiSt1C school or workshop? Not all these problems have been settled yet SO we can only pose these questions. Another problem is the Chinese lnscription. several characters are carved on the inside of the throne behind Chandrakirti's right foot. The first one from the left is a triangle with a dot in the center, then the Chinese character sa 〃 (three), then two vertical parallel lines, then the characters 催 (two) and 曜〃 (five). These characters leave no doubt about the Chinese ongin of the sculpture. lt is almost certain that these characters were carved by the master whO executed the lmage (they were not cast 1ntO the clay image before casting, but were chiseled rather deeply into the metal after casting and certainly before consecratlon, When the bottom was sealed). But the meaning of the inscriptlon is obscure. Does it signify the number 0f the sculpture in a set, as in the Medicine Buddha mandala ( No. 134P If so, what was this set? Or does this inscriptlon indicate the number 0f images produced by the master ()r by the workshop) in a certain period Of time? Unfortunately, we cannot give any suitable ans 、 tO these questlons either. One more problem concerns the subject of the sculpture. There is a Tibetan lnscription carved around the Side and back of the throne above the lotus petals. lt reads "dpa la ldan zla grags la na mo" ("Hail to the glorious Zla-grags!") There is a little mistake in the inscription: it should be ゆ ldan instead of ゆ 4 旧 . So this sculpture is an image of ZIa-grags or Zla-ba grags-pa: Chandrakirti. He wears the so-called Atisha's hat with three stripes (). 扣勃 gling g 川 ). According to the drawing reproduced by Tucci, this hat reminds one more Of Padma hat (). ル d - 襯 4- 川 - 勃ル衂 worn only by abbots (). 川たんれ予 0 ) and incarnate lamas ( 工斗翔た〃 ) , or the other Nyingmapa while expounding the doctrine (Tucci, 1980 , p. 125 ). His hands are in what is called the debate position. According tO Western scholars, there are two Chandrakirtis in the Tibetan Buddhist pantheon, although Tibetans consider them one and the same. The first one was a great lndian Mahayana philosopher, the abbot of NaIanda, who lived ⅲ the 6th century (Tucci, 1949 , p. 214 ). Waddell listed Chandrakirti among "other lndian samts of the Mahayana school who are most worshipped by the Lamas" (Waddell, 1972 , p. 378 ). This is Chandrakirti the Mahapandita, the great philosopher- teacher. Another Chandrakirti is one Of the eighty-four ()r eighty-five) Mahasiddhas who, according to Tucci, lived approximately, about the end of the 9th century" (Tucci, 1949 , p. 214 ) and is considered tO be an lncarnatl()n Of Manjushri (Schmid, 1958 , p. 100 ). Although in Tibet there were numer- ous Chandrakirtis ln sets Of National Ornament philosophers, there are four images of Chandrakirti well known in the West. The first one is included in the pantheon of the three hundred gods (OI- denburg, 1903 , p. 8 , no. 22 ). He wears the usual monk's hat, his left hand rests on his left knee, and his right hand is raised tO his breast in the discernlng gesture ( ⅵ黻 4 川〃市の . He is placed in the be- ginning Of the series Of lndian teachers, and it is most likely that this Chandrakirti is the lndian philosopher. We find another Chandrakirti in the pantheon of three hundred sixty gods (CIark, 1965a , II, p. 227 , no. 9 ). The Catalogue: Sacred History ・ 148

to find their own relief and happiness. ln Universal Vehicle terms, enlightenment is the full development 0f wisdom in the deep expenence Of selflessness, the open transparency Of the self. This naturally becomes compassion, S1nce others are fully experienced through the openness 0f the self, and compassion spontaneously responds t0 remove their sufferings. For a fully enlightened being there is no drive other than the art ( 〃坦 ) ofliberating others. ln UniversaI VehicIe Buddhism, the seeds of a theory of art are contained in the central doctrine Of the Three Bodies Of a Buddha. When one becomes a Buddha, the ordinary mind and body are transformed into these Three Bodies. The first is called the Truth Body (Dharmakaya), defined as ultimate reality personally experienced as one's own body/mind, the fulfillment of all individual aims, the perfection of wisdom, lnexpressible, transparent and more, and iS sometlmes analyzed intO "reality" and "wisdom' aspects. The second is called the Beatific Body (Sambhogakaya), defined as relative reality experienced as unlversal bliss (due tO its nonduality with ultimate reality), the fulfillment of all altruistic ams, being an irresistible energy Of love that cannot fail tO make Others happy, the perfection Of compassion, lnconceivable, magical, and more. The third is called the Emanation B0dy (Nirmanakaya) and is a reflex of the second, since bliss by itself— on the boundary of the formless absolute ー is not manifest tO unenlightened beings, and thus cannot commum- cate tO them and educate them on hOW tO find the happiness Of enlightenment. TO commumcate tO beings, then, one emanates more solid forms, adopting Buddha bodies, incarna- ting as various beings and things. The Emanation B0dy is analyzed intO three categories, called Supreme, lncarnational, and Artistic. The Supreme Emanation BOdy consrsts Of emanatlons such as Shakyamuni Buddha, the creatlon Of a Buddha life out of the artistry of compasslon in order to help beings find release from suffering. The lncarnational Emanation BOdy conslsts Of emanations Of teachers, companions, even animals or lnammate ObJectS such as lands, houses, bridges, planets, and so forth, becoming beings and things that people wh0 are not ready for a Buddha life can relate tO and that will satisfy their needs and inspire them tO attain enlightenment. The Dalai Lamas and other Tibetan relncarnatlons are examples Of thiS form Of the EmanatIon B0dy, as are undoubtedly many 0ther unrecognized persons and things. The Artistic Emanation Body is defined as all 1COns Of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, lncarnatlons, envlronments or anything that represents enlightenment tO beings, in addition tO the artlSts whO create them, during the time they are dOing so. This last category gives the key to the place 0f art and its uses in Buddhist civilization, most specifically in Tibet. The beginning of the adventure on the path toward en- lightenment comes with the first glimmer Of imagming the very possibility 0f enlightenment. As long as the imagination IS trapped in the routinized perceptions Of ordinary culture' one will think one's unenlightened awareness is the only POSSible awareness. AS long as one's culture convmces that life is created and controlled by some lnscrutable authority, or that life is an accidental conglomeratron Of atoms, that nothing matters after death, that there is no Other way tO be than the way one IS, and SO forth, there iS no chance even tO asplre tO evolve to any higher being. Therefore, Buddha's task as a teacher could not even begin until works Of art had opened people's imaginations tO the possibility Of a new perception. 35 ・ Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism Thus in the Buddhist scriptures, almost every discourse is preceded by some sort Of miracle, some dramat1C revelation Of an extraordinary perception that releases the imagination. Once the Buddha himself was no longer there' those whO remembered him began tO make icons Of his liberating presence, though at first the memory 0f his extraordinary qualities 、 SO ViVid no representation 、 dO justice, and he would be represented in a scene by a tree Of enlightenment, a wheel 0f teaching, or some other symbol. The stupa, originally a royal funerary monument, came tO rep- resent the omnipresence Of the Buddha's mind, arrangrng symbols 0f the elements 0f the world in such a way as t0 sym- bolize architecturally their infusion with the Buddha presence. Literature is a most important medium for the art Of manifesting freedom and compassion. The Buddhist viS10n 0f biology includes karmic evolution, wherein individual beings evolve through various life forms, where man has been monkey and can become monkey again if his deeds are not intelligent, is communicated by the artful reworking 0f folktales into the Former Life stories, the Jataka. These are then illustrated in visual arts, ln stupa carvlngs, ln cave murals, in bOOk illustratlons. ln the Universal Vehicle texts, the broadening lmaglnatlon Of Other dimenslons comes through in the elaborate descriptions 0f 0ther worlds. N ・ umerous cosmic Buddhas fror れ Other umverses, magnificent Bodhisattvas, female as well as male, all these became lnsprational icons, examples Of the Artistic Emanation BOdy. And with the tantras, the representations Of enlightenment went even deeper, g01ng intO the deepest archetypal images in the unconSCIOIlS tO find the enlightening possibilities. Tibetan art is justly famous for its erotic and terrific images. ln the Paramasukha image of the frontispiece, the Buddha is dramatically revealed as two beings, a male and a female, in ecstat1C sexual union. ln the Yamantaka images in the Geluk section, the Buddha iS revealed in a ferocious form, hiS malll head like that of an lndian water buffalo, with gnashing fangs, with many arms and many legs. There are even combi- natlons, such as Yamantaka in male-female umon, that are simultaneously erotic and terrific. AII Of these are considered transcendent Buddhas. We have discussed the erotlc, seml- terrific Paramasukha form as the union Of wisdom and com- passion (see essay, "Wisdom and Compassion: The Heart 0f Tibetan Culture"). We made the main point that it has a special spiritual purpose: lt evokes for the practitloner a state Of enlightenment that has integrated the unconsclous, instinc- tual energies Of life intO a consciously sublimated exalted state of enlightenment. ln the last century, before depth psychol- ogies had been developed in the West (outside 0f monastic institutions), these images were frightening and disgusting tO ・ Westerners, provoking them to denounce Hinduism and lndO- Tibetan forms of Buddhism as obscene, vulgar, and demomc. Still today, some people from other cultures, even Buddhist cultures, are SO disturbed by these icons that they denounce Tibetan Buddhism as a degenerate form. Therefore, we must fOCllS on these images from a modern perspectlve, ln order tO clear away any lingerlng stlgma and tO appreclate one of the most useful achievements Of Tibetan civilization. Freud and Jung cannot be ignored by any thinking person today. One is unlikely to agree with everything they said; there has been a great deal of further development in depth psychology since their time. But there is no question that they rediscovered a primal instlnctual dimensl()n Of human life, a

144 Amitayus Samples Of the consecrated reliCS from within the image are included Nepalese, with elements of Western Tibetan stylistic tra dition Second half of the 14d1 century Gilt brass, with chasing, cold gold paste, and pigments H. 11 ″ ( 28 cm) The State Hermitage, Leningrad. Prince Ukhtomsky CoIIection Amitayus, the Buddha of lnfinite Life, is represented here in his traditional iconography. He sits in the diamond posture, with both hands flat in the contemplation gesture, holding a vase Of elixir Of immortality with a stylized 、 'tree of life" on top of it. A textile decorated with an eight-petaled rosette hangs down over the rectangular pedestal from under the lOtus seat. There are two peacocks in the niches flanking the overhanging textile. lt is difficult to establish the exact provenance Of this image, but it can be called a NepaIese sculpture with elements of the Western Tibetan stylistic tradition. The lower part of the sculpture, with the combination Of an oval lOtus seat with large, flat petals and a rectangular pedestal, is without doubt of Nepalese ongin. Some Other details, such as the earrings and the three-petaled pendant of the necklace, can alSO be connected with the Nepalese tradition. At the same tlme, the Western Tibetan influence reveals itself in the high, flat knot of hair, in the type of crown, in the design Of the armbands, and lastly in the masslveness Of the figure. The presence of two peacocks on the pedestal of the sculpture is rather interesting. The peacock is the vehicle 0f Amitabha, and the very presence of this bird in the sculpture may signal an early stage in the development of the cult 0f Amitabha/Amitayus. lt may be that Amitayus was not yet considered a separate deity at this time, but was interpreted as a personification Of one Of the qualities of the Buddha of lnfinite Light mentioned in his sutras, namely his eternallife. Later an independent cult of Amitayus emerged. At the same time, the presence Of peacocks is not lncompatible with the nature Of Amitayus either— in lndian mythology this bird is considered lmmortal, as it is not affected by snake venom. The sculpture is also interesting from another point of view. The copper plate 351 ・ Catalogue: Perfected Worlds イを一、診 ~ 4 because the practice Of reconsecratlon Of covering the bottom had been damaged lmages commonly occurred in Tibetan before it was acquired by the Hermitage, Buddhism. and the relics with which the image There are about fifteen hundred bronzes had been consecrated were falling out of in the Hermitage collection. Over three it. ln order tO prevent their dispersion, the hundred of them have been conserved plate was removed and the relics were unopened up tO the present. Besides these, taken out. A sizable collection Of relics there are over tWO hundred full sets Of was hidden inside the tWO lnner cavlties Of the sculpture. Among them there were relics from the same number Of sculptures sixty small packages of paper containing in the Hermitage collection. Each one Of Tibetan lnscnptl()ns and reliCS inside. them has itS own lnventory number, According tO these inscriptions, the correlated tO the sculpture from which it packages preserved reIiCS Of many persons has been removed. These tWO hundred sets prominent in the history Of Tibetan were taken out Of the sculptures for Buddhism. Among the names mentioned in unknown reasons in the 1920S , when the the inscriptions are Atisha, Marpa, the Ukhtomsky collection was in the Russian highest hierarchs of both Shamarpa and Museum in Leningrad. The presence of Karmapa lineages, and Other persons. lt is these tWO hundred sets Of relics in the evident that some Of the items found inside Hermitage collection IS very lmportant, the sculpture can be dated tO an earlier because it permits the study Of relics period than the image itself. Still, this does without openlng sealed images, except not contradict the date Of the sculpture several damaged bronzes like the above-

V. Dharma Kings Shakyamuni Buddha' 、 day, the king 、 of the Gangetic city states, such as Bimbisara of Magadha and PrasenaJit of Kosala, became famous as the patrons of the newly founded order. Emperor Ashoka (3rd century BCE) of the Maurya dynasty became a paradigm of a Dharma King. He made it the overriding purpose ()f hiS rule, as memorialized in numerous rock-carved pillar edicts, tO support religious persons in general, and especially the Buddhist educational community. ln many Buddhist countrles S1nce then, kingship has drawn its legitimacy from the ruler's patronage of the people's spritual pursuits. He supports their renunciation Of mundane concerns, their j()inlng Of the order, their rituals Of Offering and honoring at stupas and c わ 4 ″ア 45 ー sanctuarles or assembly halls, usually containing a stupa —and their supportmg and learning from the monks and nuns 0f the order. The Buddhist ideal of Dharma kingship is clearly conveyed by the Buddhist custom that, although such a king or queen is the most honored and most po 、 verful figure ln society, he or she should bow down to the simplest monk or nun, signifying the superiority Of the sacred over the mundane. Certain Dharma Kings —some worldly, some mythical, and some heavenly ー are especially famous in Tibetan Buddhism as protectors 0f the Dharma, the Buddhist teachings. Most renowned among the human Dharma Kings in Tibet are the three great Religious Kings of the early Yarlung period, or Period of the ReIigious Kings. They ruled from the 7th to the 9th century in Tibet. They were Songtsen Gambo (). ca. 627 ー 649 ) , believed to be the incarnation of AvaIokiteshvara; Trisong Detsen (). ca. 755 ー 797 ) , believed to be the mcarnation of Manjushri; and Tri Relwajen (). ca. 815 ー 836 ) , believed tO be the incarnation Of Vajrapani. There is the mythical King Gesar of the Tibetan oral epic, known as Gesar Of Ling. Gesar iS a Tibetan national hero who fights for his people against all sorts of enemies, though, like almost every other aspect of Tibetan culture, the cycle of tales has absorbed Buddhism so completely that Gesar's defense of Tibet against the forces of evil becomes a drama of defense of the Buddha Dharma. Then there are celestial kings adopted from lndian mythology, known as the Four Heavenly Kings. These kings are believed tO live on the slopes Of the axial mountain, Meru (the lndian equivalent of OIympus), and to confer great wealth, success, and ViCtory on their worshipers. Finally, there is a set of thirty-two religious kings of the mythical country of ShambhaIa, believed to exist magically hidden in the arctic reglon until a future apocalyptic era three or four centuries from now. The history and prophecies about ShambhaIa are recounted in the literature of the Ka 訪 4 たな 厩な . The first of these kings was King Suchandra, who came with his subjects from Shambhala to lndia in magical airships. They received the teaching of the Ka 信訪 4 た厩 directly from Shakyamuni Buddha at the great stupa of Shri Dhanyakataka in South lndia. Tibetans believe we are presently in the realm of the twenty-ninth king of Shambhala, and that the new golden age of world freedom and enlightenment will dawn after a terrible technological war during the reign 0f the thirty-second king, King Rudrachakrin. A few examples from these popular groups appear here. Generally, they occur in Tibetan art as complete sets Of paintlngs and sculptures. The Four Heavenly Kings oftentimes accompany a set Of the sixteen or eighteen Arhats. These lconographic sets seem most prevalent in the central regions Of U and Tsang and in Eastern Tibet; they seem rarely t0 appear in Western Tibetan painting before the 17th century. The Religious Kings and the Kings 0f Shambhala are especially popular with the Geluk Order. Catalogue: Sacred History ・ 156

。イ ( ツ呶を当心さ 134.3 134.1 134.2 numbers), and the mandala "dissolved' the Other hand, the mention Of the points There are sixteen Bodhisattvas ( 134.2 ) of the compass and of the three levels in the second circle (the "middle room") intO the collection. lt was the evident similarity Of the sculptures tO each Other ("rooms' ) in the inscriptions made it clear and the Twelve Jambhalas, wealth deities that this system could only be a mandala. ( 134.3 ) , and the Ten WorId Gods ( 134.4 ) that attracted attentlon and allowed them An attempt was made tO determine the in the third circle (the "lower room " ). The tO be reassembled once agaln. The date and the provena nce of the original order of the images with the help Four Heavenly Kings ( 134.5 ) occupy their Of the numbers cut on every sculpture. But places at the four gates of the mandala. lmages d0 not create any difficulties —they nothing came Of this, as these numbers did lt turned out to be more difficult to deal seem tO be made by the same masters as with the individual iconography of the the bronzes of the Baoxiang (Pao-hsiang) not coincide with the numbers on the paper labels. For example, one 0f the deities. The individual iconography of the Lou pantheon. ln addition, the Chinese ongin 0f these images is confirmed by Buddhas ( No. U -620 ) , has "eight" (Ch. 房 ) Hermitage images does not coincide either with the text or with the tangka. The only the presence Of Chinese characters Of cut on the lower edge and "two" (Ch. ) wrltten in its label. exception is the group of the Four Heavenly numerical meaning cut on the bOttom Kings, whose iconography in the Hermitage plates and on the lower edges of almost The original mandala was soon found, however. lt was the Fifty-one-fold sculptures is traditional, which allowed us all the sculptures. The images form five tO identify the four deities exactly. iconographic groups: eight Buddhas, Bhaishajyaguru Mandala, the third one in the collection of 132 mandalas from the SIXteen Bodhisattvas, twelve images Of The Twelve Jambhalas, as they are call- ed, are an lnterestlng group tO examine. ln JambhaIa, Ten World Gods sitting on Sakya Ngor monastery (Vira and Chandra, 1967 , part 13 , no. 3 ). This set of The 立な 4 可舫ビ Lo 可 H 〃〃 g (Beijing, different animals, and the Four Heavenly mandalas is based on the collection Of 1936 , Buddhist Scriptures Series, No. 1 , p. Kings. 24 ) , the Sanskrit names of these deities Tibetan ritual texts Rgyud 5 た〃〃房 Pieces Of paper ()n some cases, small are: Kumbhira, Vajra, Mihira, Andhira, ('Jam-dbyangs Blo-gter-dbang-po, ed. , fragments) with Chinese characters written Majira, Shandira, lndra, Pajra, Makura, 1971 , I, pp. 62 ー 67 ). AII the mandalas ln cursrve scr1Pt surVIVe on the bOttom Sindura, Chatura, and Vikarala. (See also were reproduced as black-and-white plates of some sculptures. They read, for Birnbaum, 1989 , p. 169. ) The Tibetan drawings in this edition. Later, a full-color example, NO. U -626 , one 0f the Buddhas: reproduction of the set was published (see names, as they are glven in the evocatlon 、、 Number three, the third sculpture, tex ts, dO not see m tO correspond ex ac tly Sonami and Tachikawa, 1983 ). On the starting from the west, behind the Buddha in all cases: "ln the east, there are yellow in the upper room" ("shang wu fo hoy si whole, the Hermitage mandala coincides Ji-'jigs [Jijig] with a vaJra in his right with both the tangka and the text almost qi san cun san hao"); NO. U -877 , a completely. hand, red rDo-rje [Dorje] with a sword, Bodhisattva: 、、 Number one, the first sculpture, starting from the east, in front The main deity of the mandala is yellow rGyan-'dzin [Gyandzin] with a Bhaishajyaguru, the Medicine Buddha. club. ln the north, there are a light-blue of the Buddha in the middle room ” ( 、、 shang wu f0 hoy si qi yi cun yi hao"); There are seven other Medicine Buddhas gZa'-'dzin [Sadzin] with a club, red rLung- ( 134.1 ) and a four-armed Prajnyaparamita 'dzin [Lungdzin] with a trident, smoky and No. U -1195 , a WorId God: "ln front of the Buddha in the lower room" ("xia Goddess in the first circle (the "upper gNas-bcas [Neyjey] with a sword. ln the room " ). There is no image 0f this goddess wu fo qian . ). Such inscrrptions west, there are red dBang-'dzin [Wangdzin] in the Hermitage collection at all and survived on only eleven sculptures, and it with a club, yellow bTud-'dzin [Tudzin] judging by Grünwedel's description it had was lmpossible tO reconstruct with on with a club, light red sMra-'dzin [Madzin] their information the system to which the not been bought by Ukhtomsky together with an ax. ln the south, there are yellow entire fifty images originally belonged. On with the other fifty images ・ bSam-'dzin [Samdzin] with a rope, blue 339 ・ CataIogue: Perfected Worlds

with respect tO bOth its unsurpassed wall paintings and its stylistically diverse and spirited sculptures. Although there appears tO be a more or less steady production Of sculpture and some paintings during the 13th and 14th centuries in Western Tibet, it is not until the second half of the 15th century, during the Guge revival, that western Tibet experl- ences agam a magnificent flowermg Of itS art on a scale comparable to that 0f the 1 lth century. The Central Regions of Tibet: Ⅱ th to 13th Century ln 1045 , after spending three years in Western Tibet, Atisha came tO the central regions Of Tibet, where he became the spiritual founder of the Kadam Order and the major impetus in the rejuvenation of Buddhism in the provmces of U and Tsang. His main disciple, Drom Tonpa (). 1064 ) , established the first Kadampa monasteries after Atisha's death in 1054. ln the latter half of the 1 lth and into the 12th century, various Other orders and their monasteries were established throughout the central regions. From MiIarepa ( 1040 ー 1123 ) and his teacher Marpa ( 1012 ー 1095 ) grew the branches of the Kagyupa; from Drokmi ( 992 ー 1072 ) and the Khon family the Sakyapa developed, with their maln monasteries in Tsang. These orders, along with the Nyingma Order, whose roots stem from the period of the ReIigious Kings, established a firm Buddhist monastic foundation in Tibet, translated sacred texts, and assimilated the practices and art of the major lndian and Nepalese Buddhist sources. Many of the venerated sites of Buddhism as well as the great Buddhist monastIC universitles were in the central and eastern reglons 0f lndia, particularly the region under the rule of the Palas. These areas of lndia were linked to the central regions of Tibet by the main trade routes passing through Nepal. The pnmary inspirational sources Of the Buddhist art for these central regions Of Tibet thus became the central and north- eastern areas Of lndia, and Nepal. However, there are Other sources as well, which complicate the situatlon, SO usually they must be ascertained on an individual basis for nearly every work. Because 0f such diversity, it is difficult t0 define the art of this period in one all-inclusive way. AIthough further studies are needed t0 clarify this complex period, a few lmportant works can provide some indication Of the different styles among the sculpture and painting Of the central regions, which are ln many ways quite distinct from those Of Western Tibet. 3 ln the sculpture of the 1 lth to 13th century in the central reglons, there are a number Of different stylistic groups, Of ln most cases the styles relate tO sources from the art of the PaIa dynasty (ca. 750 ー 1155 ) in northeastern lndia, and their successors, the Senas (mid-12th to mid-13th century), but one maJOr group shows apparent links tO the art Of Khotan, on the southern Silk Route in CentraI Asia. The standing Maitreya Bodhisattva ( fig. 7 ) photographed at Narthang monastery in Tsang in the 1950S and said to be dated 1093 (Liu, 1957 , fig. 65 ) is a prime early sculpture of the central regions. The smooth, well-unified body in its gentle, composed stance contrasts with the wiry and alert characteristics Of most Western Tibetan sculptures, as seen for instance in NO. 28 ; it contrasts 引 so with the slightly elongated figures with naturalistic muscular definition Of the Western Tibetan Alchi style as seen in the CleveIand Museum's AvaIokiteshvara ( No. 127 ) and seated Buddha ( No. 136 ). Ornamentation is elaborate but refined, and the face is sculpted with a sharpness and perfection unlike either the usually softer Kashmiri style or the somewhat mystical strangeness 0f the Himachal Pradesh-type Western Tibetan style of NO. 28. Stylistically, this Maitreya statue derives from the 5th-century Sarnath sculpture of the Gupta period in central lndia, but is also related t0 such Pala styles as that 0f the 9th-century SyIhet Bodhisattva (Asher, 1980 , p. 253 ) and Nepalese sculpture 0f the 1 Oth t0 11 th century. ln its plain simplicity it is also strikingly similar t0 figures in early Tibetan tangkas of the central regions ( fig. 11 ). A few extraordinary sculptures carved in a fine black or yellow sedimentary stone, usually marked with Tibetan inscriptlons, have appeared in recent years. some are closely related to Pala sculpture of the 1 lth to 12th century, though there is no certalnty as tO the carver or place Of origin. 4 The Tara stele and the Mahakala in the Ellsworth collection (Nos. 22 , 52 ) are superlative examples of these. The exceptional and umque Tara stele iS a particularly interestlng representation Of religious practice embodied in art: There is one Tara for each of the twenty-one verses in praise of Tara from the popular 厩 text. What may be one of the oldest sculptural Fig. 7. Ma ″尾坦 Bo 渤なな , Narthang monastery, Tsang, in the central regions 0f Tibet. Ca. 1093. (photo: Liu l-se, ed. , X た 4 〃 g 厄ノ 0 なんィ , Beijing, Wenwu chubansha, 1957 , fig. 65 ) 45 ・ Tibetan Buddhist Art

discussed by PaI ( 1990 , pp. 68 ー 71 ) , who suggests that the lndian tradition of Arhat portrayal, of which no extant examples are known, may have been like the early lama representations such as the one in the Ford tangka ( No. 95 ). The lndian style is said to have been introduced by one of the three pandits who accompanied Atisha (Tucci, 1949 , p. 562 ). A major point Of distinction between the lndian and Chinese portrayals suggested by the Kunga Rinchen text is that the lndian ArhatS are drawn as monks with three garments in blue, red, and yellow, while the Chinese style portrays them in "ample silken robes" 0f somber hue, like scholars. Landscape settings for the ArhatS are mentioned in this same text for all three traditions. The Chinese style includes palaces ornamented with lattice work" (Tucci, 1949 , p. 562 ) , a feature that appears ln some early Tibetan Arhat paintings such as No. 13. ln China several famous stylistic traditions for the Arhats emerged, some 0f which seem t0 have had a bearing on the Tibetan Arhat tradition. One is associated with the late Tang painter Guan Xiu ( 832 ー 912 ) , who monumentalized them as magnificent but Often bizarre figures with TaOist overtones. He presented them at close Vlew• with few indications Of a natural setting. Elements 0f this tradition, mainly the 10fty monumentality and the forceful characterization, as reinter- preted in Yuan period Buddhist painting, may be seen in the earliest known Tibetan Arhat paintings, two Of which are Nos. 12 and 13. But whereas Guan Xiu's Arhats were essentially monochromatic and used landscape sparingly, the Tibetan examples employ brilliant color and more landscape as well as some lndo-Nepalese elements, creating a stunning and successful new interpretation Of the Arhat theme. Another major tradition Of Arhat painting in China stems from the style of the master painter Li Gonglin (). 1106 ) , who was famous not only for his landscape and figure painting, but 引 so for his Buddhist painting. Arhat paintings by Chinese professional and academic pamters in the late 12th t0 13th century combined color with the masterfully fluid drawing style of Li Gonglin, especially skillful in the portrayal of masses of flowing drapery. They 引 so included richly formulated landsc 叩 e elements, which had developed t0 a high point in Song-peri0d painting. The incorporation 0f this tradition, as lt evolved through Yuan and early Ming painting, 103 ・ Catalogue: Sacred History can be seen in Tibetan art ln such paintings as the set Of Arhats from the late 14th to early 15th century from Shigatse now in the British Museum (see text tO NO. 14 ). ln the later periods Of Tibetan art there is a close correspondence between developments in Chinese painting and the schOOls in Eastern Tibet, such as the famous Karma Gadri school, which began in the second half of the 16th century. The styles of Eastern Tibetan painting in turn seem tO impact on the art Of the central regions. An indication Of the complex styles in the Eastern Tibetan schools from the 16th tO the 18th century can be seen in the three later Arhat paintings, Nos. 17 , 18 , 19. ln general, these developments show a change from landscapes of great clarity, delicacy, beauty, and naturalism with a somewhat artificial placement of the main Arhat as if unrelated to his setting ( No. 17 ) t0 a better integrated coordination between the primary figures and the landscape, which becomes either more fantastic ( NO. 19 ) or more spacious ( NO. 18 ). There are a number of ways in which the Arhats are presented in Tibetan painting. Usually they appear singly in a set 0f eighteen individual tangkas, or ln groups 0f four or more ln one palnting within the series. Some depict specialized scenes, such as the coming Of the Arhats over the sea (related to the tale of Hvashang). ln a number of 15th-century paintings they appear grouped with Shakyamuni Buddha (Nos. 3 , 4 , 6 ). There is one interestlng example of the seventeen Arhats with Tsong Khapa in a mid- 15th-century painting (Tucci, 1949 , pl. 13 ). These are especially valuable for depicting the sequence, characterizatlon, and attributes Of the Arhats at an early stage Of their evolution in Tibetan art. TWO factors usually stand out with regard t0 Arhat paintings: the personality of the Arhat himself and the landscape setting ・ Certainly Arhat pamtings contributed t0 the development 0f portraitlike representation and tO the depiction Of landscape ln Tibetan art. ln sculpture there are several famous sets Of ArhatS, such as those at the Peljor Chöde in Gyantse from around the second quarter of the 15th century (Liu, 1957 , pls. 69 ー 72 ) and another at Sera monastery in Lhasa (text fig. 22 ; Jigme, 1981 , pl. 18 6 ). They are also popular as sets of small bronze sculptures, particularly in China, which is probably the origln of the two remarkable examples presented here (Nos. 15 , 16 ).