THETH 旧 DWORLD A MUTED 0 ー A し OGUE on the agenda despite opposition from British Prime Minister By Anthony Sampson Margaret Thatcher. Chancellor Helmut Schmidt from West Ger- many and Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau from Canada were he first year of the new decade raised both new fears and the most energetic supporters Of a new deal for the South. But some new hope for the Third World. The economic position Thatcher resisted, and encouraged President Jimmy Carter tO Of the poorest countnes was more perllous than ever, and play down the issue as well. there were signs that the rich countries were turning their backs. ln Britain, Thatcher saw the Third WorId in the context 0f But there was also some movement toward rethinking glObal the Communist danger and her own commitment tO free-enterpnse relationships. policies. Thatcher's ministers viewed international institutions, A commission, headed by former Chancellor Willy Brandt, including the United Nations and the World Bank, as global outlined the extent 0f the Third World's predicament in a report equivalents Of the welfare state, undermining the principles Of it published ⅲ February. The commission, with eighteen members self-help and free enterprise. As a result, the Foreign Offce pub- from five continents, was a microcosm ofdisagreement and debate: lished a negative reply t0 the Brandt report. ln it, the government its members ranged from an Algerian radical, Layachi Yaker, dismissed the concerns Of the development experts, 」 ust as Other tO a Republican American banker, Peter Peterson. But despi te Thatcher advisers deplored any attempt tO promote assistance their differences, the commissioners came tO share some Of the programs that might fuel inflation. same views about causes and cures. They agreed that large amounts Many Western advocates Of more free enterprise saw signs that the South alSO was moving t0 the right. The Chilean exper- lment With StriCt monetansm encouraged Ecuador and Peru t0 follow similar recipes. The failures of socialist or Marxist states in Africa, such as Mozambique and Ang01a, led them tO seek some rapprochement with Western investors. The newly independent Zimbabwe pointedly excluded the Soviets. . the economic success Of super.com/ petitive countrles in East Asia, such as South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore, in- duced Other Asian countries, including Sr1 0 Lanka and lndia, to move toward more traditionally conservative policies. till, the conservative mood in the West seemed tO work against any discussion ofrestructuring the world economy on the scale recommended by Brandt or agreeing tO the proposed summit t0 discuss North-South relations. The skep- ticism seemed tO be confirmed when the United Nations held its special session as a prelude t0 "global negotiations" in the summer. That session ended without any measurable progress. But behind the diplomatic deadlock there were important groundswells 0f public 日「 a れ d 彙 with U. 2. S ・ 0 「・ ta 「 y ・ Gen ・「 Kurt WaIdheim: Hopes and fears opinion, at least in Europe. The younger generation there reacted tO th e Brandt proposals with an en- Of emergency assistance are needed tO prevent mass starvation thusiasm that surprised many Of the commissioners. ln Holland, in the Third WorId, and they deplored the decreasing aid flow always the vanguard 0f European concern for the Third World, from richer countries. The commissioners strongly urged a sive transfer Of resources ” from developed nations tO the Third religious groups and political parties held mass meetings and WorId. They also pressed for a fundamental reorganization of issued endorsements in favor Of the report. ln Britain, the gov- ernment's apathy met with an indignant response from young the world monetary system set up under the Bretton / OOds agree- people, Christian groups and the media. And the election victory ment in 1944. They called for long-term 0i1 price stability and more effective guarantees for conserving 0i1 and for maintaining of Schmidt in West Germany gave him a new mandate to press for the proposals of Brandt, his party chairman, the value Of 0i1 revenues. By the time the report was released, however, the world scene Different kinds of pressures emerged from banks and the global had darkened. The gröwth of extremism in lran and the Soviet institutions. Both Robert McNamara at the World Bank and Jacques de Larosiére at the lnternational Monetary Fund were invasion Of . Afghanistan increased fears Of an East- 、 con- frontation, which pushed aside the longer-term warnings 0f a increasingly aware that their organizations had tO be more flexible and more generous in lending t0 the Third World. McNamara crisis between North and South. The first ma 」 or test of the West's political mood came with issued proposals for "structural adjustment" loans tO help coun- tries pay their 0 ⅱ bills, while de Larosiére argued that the IMF the Venice summit in June. There, North-South relations stayed Brian F. NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 50
き ! ート Afghan ins 「 9e0 彙 5 in a mountain hide-out: 'We have fought a supe 「 po 響・′ tO a standstill fO ′ t 0 ⅳ 0 months' after thirteen Khalqi army omcers were executed on suspicion 0 the Soviet occupiers and the remnants of the Afghan Army. of plotting a coup. At that point, the Parcham faction began 'We take our guns on the battlefield from the Russians," claimed a full-scale purge of its rivals from all top military and government Jamal Ahmad, who belongs to another insurgent group. positions. Despite dogged resistance from the insurgents, it seems likely that historic and geographic realities will dictate the establishment he incessant feuding in Kabul has had a predictable effect : of a leftist government in KabuI that is more or less sympathetic it has narrowed the base Of the Communist Party—preciseIy to 、åoscow ' s concerns. ln the meantime, the Soviets are digglng the opposite 0f what the Soviets had hoped for when they in for a long stay. A major depot for fuel and materials is under installed Karmal. By waging war on the Khalq, KarmaI has construction at Pul-i-Khumri, in north-central Afghanistan, and alienated the party faction that commands 60 per cent Of Com- the Soviets are laying a large 0i1 pipeline tO the area. They have munist support in the country. Outside the party the situation alSO extended the runways at four air bases ⅲ Afghanistan, built is even worse, because while it is unlikely that the Khalqi leaders huge aircraft hangars, constructed new housing for personnel and set up seven reglonal military commands Of division strength. would ever defect tO the non-Communist Muj ahedin insurgents, the same cannot be said of many of their followers. There have This is disturbing news for both the rebels and for Pakistan, already been rumblings of a Khalq-Muj ahedin alliance, and if smce the Soviets are bound tO step up pressure on Pakistan's the reports turn out tO be true Karmal's position may become President Mohammad Zia ul-Haq to force him to curb the exiles' untenable. That, in turn, creates still another headache for the freedom. MiIitariIy, the Soviets may also continue their frequent SOViet overlords and increases the likelihood of long-term oc- violations Of Pakistani airspace, and perhaps even resort tO hOt cupation. "lt has been clear from the beginning," said a Western pursuit 0f the guerrillas fleeing into Pakistan. ambassador, "that the Soviets' Obj ective ⅲ entering Afghanistan was t0 provide a securlty umbrella under which an Afghan regime OSCOW appears tO have ruled out any suggestion that the could rebuild all the country's institutions. There has not been United Nations send a fact-finding mission to the area. a shadow 0f progress. ' That, ⅲ turn, eliminates the possibility Of an interna- The prospect of cooperation between the Khalq and the Mu- tionally negotiated settlement. One Western intelligence source j ahedin is chilling tO the Soviets because the non-Communist believes the Kremlin may eventually see certain benefits flowing rebels have been a formidable foe even without any indigenous from the occupation. "The Soviet Army has not been bloodied allies. " have fought a superpower to a standstill for twelve for a long time," he said 、 "Afghanistan provides a handy, nearby months," claimed Najibullah Lafraise, a member of a Peshawar- training ground tO test weapons, tactics and troops in actual based lslamic insurgent group. Apart from small arms and 応 od battle. " Moscow's men and machines will probably pass—but supplies from outside the country, the insurgents have been living the test will take a 10t longer to finish than they had expected. Pascal Manoukian—Sygma NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981
HOME 、 4 Z/NBAB Ⅷ。。、第、 : る 0 、イ , the 90 0 「れ me れ t meet their 「 isi れ 9 expectations? Guerrillas turn in their guns: FO 「 some, the 響 a 「 90e5 0 れ Photos by Stephen Hone Mugabe would like tO correct the imbalance, but there are two powerful constraints working against redistribution: the white farmers are Zimbabwe's biggest earners of foreign exchange, and the Lancaster House Constitution says land may not be seized for resettlement, but must be bought by the government. Apart from the fact that he cannot afford it, Mugabe is strongly opposed t0 buying back land that white settlers took from Africans decades ago. He t0 旧 one group Of white farmers recently that he 、、 did not feel inclined to pay for land plundered decades ago from the indigenous people by the colonialists"—・ and then threatened tO seize their property without compensatlon unless Britain comes up with more aid. hat message was aimed more at reluctant aid donors ln the West than at the white farming community, and it was swiftly followed by a retraction. The reversal was part Of the secret Of Mugabe's success: his skillful use of ambiguity. The Prime Minister condemns multinationals for exploiting his country's resources, while at the same time assuring the foreign firms that their investments are safe in Zimbabwe. He preaches socialism, but says he will retain a free-market economy. SO far no one has taken Mugabe tO task. But he may run into trouble as the contradictions become more transparent. An even greater threat facing the Prime Minister comes from his inability to disarm 25 , 000 ex-guerrillas not yet integrated into the new national army. One-third are members of the old ZIPRA army, predominantly Ndebele tribesmen and fanatically 10Ya1 to Nkomo, whom they see as frozen out of the government. The rest are Shonas 0f Mugabe's 01d ZANLA force. Both factions have terrorized civilian villagers ln 、、 contested" rural areas. They have also raised the level Of violence in the black townships near Salisbury and Bulawayo, where the government has housed thou- sands 0f its out-of-work 、、 comrades. '' About 200 people have been killed in factional fighting since independence, including 55 who recently died during a vicious battle in Bulawayo. Mugabehas had almost as much trouble dealing with the flagrant excesses Of hiS own Cabinet. Some rmmsters seem more interested ln acqmring fancy homes, driving around in expensive Mercedeses and eating in gourmet restaurants than in constructive belt tight- NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 19 引 ening. Others appear t0 be b0th racist and needlessly offensive. HeaIth Minister Herbert Ushewokunze angered white hospital workers by accusing them ofdiscriminating against black patients. Finance Minister Enos Nkala sparked the Bulawayo fighting by suggesting—in the heart 0f Matabeleland, Nkomo's home turf— that Nkomo should be removed from the government. But the two men whO most embarrassed Mugabe were Tekere and Lt. Gen. Peter Walls. Walls, who had devoted most of his life tO propping up white-minority rule, surprised everyone at independence by offering t0 stay on as Mugabe's top soldier and help integrate the new Zimbabwean Army. Because he couldn 、 t conceal his distaste for the men he had to work with, Walls resigned in July. The general further angered Mugabe by disclosing that he had asked Margaret Thatcher to cancel the Zimbabwean election result because Of intimidation by Mugabe's supporters, and that he had considered the option Of a military coup. alls's departure dismayed whites, but they were more disturbed by Tekere's murderofa white farmer. Although he admitted the crime, Tekere escaped punishment through a legalloopholedesigned to shield the 01d white Rhodesian regime from prosecution for wartlme atrocities. The three-man bench found Tekere guilty as charged, but two black assessors overruled the white judge in granting Tekere immunity under a 1975 act that protected government ministers acting 、、 ln good faith for the suppression of terronsm. '' The split verdict reduced the chances Of a Cabinet reshume. Government insiders say that while he did not suspend Tekere from party or state functions during the trial, the Prime Minister had hoped for a conuction. With Tekere out of the way, he could have spiked the guns 0 「 his troublesome left wing. lnstead, Tekere emerged even stronger. Mugabe must now regain the confidence 0f whites, who think that Tekere has been given a license tO kill, and at the same time satisfy the rising expectations Of blacks. A rash Of strikes and labor unrest reflects their frustration, and they are putting pressure on the Prime Minister tO move more quickly down the road t0 socialism. Balancing the demands 0f blacks and whites will require a long-running high-wire act by Mugabe. If he falls, Zimbabwe's revolution could go down with him. 39
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army was forced tO withdraw. But the militants never had a chance. The army seized control Of the city in a swift strike. The protesters were either killed in the assault or were jailed afterward. After that, the outcome of Kim's court-martial was never in doubt. NO matter that the charges against him were, as U. S. offcials put it, "farfetched, ” he was accused of inciting the Kwan&JIl upnsing even though it started after his arrest. NO matter that Kim and his co-defendants repeatedly de- nied that they had advocated ⅵ 0- lence and that there was no con- clusive evidence that they ever had. No matter that the defend- antS said their "confessions ” were extracted by torture; their jailers had stripped them naked, crushed their fingers and twisted sticks be- tween their legs. The verdict was guilty from the beginning, the sen- tence was to be death and it was P. ChauveI—Sygma upheld by a higher military court. SoIdie ′ 5 00 「れ 0 「 a p 「 oteste 「 during the Kwangju uprising: す h ・ militants 0 ・・「 had a cha れ 0 ・ If the appeal is turned down by orchestrated a campaign denouncing "imperialistic" Japanese the Supreme Court, only Chun can prevent the hanging ・ pressure. Responding t0 question about the impact Of an ex- hroughout the year, Chun never demonstrated a forgiving ecution on U. S. -Korean relations, one South Korean 0 用 ci 引 laughed derisively. "Will the United States cut diplomatic re- instinct or an intent tO dO anything but eliminate his op- lations? PuII its troops out? Declare war on the Republic 0fKorea? ” ponents. He instigated massive purges Of the bureaucracy Chun clearly believes he is the master of his own—and his and the labor unions, and he closed down newspapers and mag- country's—fate. But what happens tO Kim may be the real test. azines as part Of a so-called "reorganization ” Of the press. He South Korea's already weakened economy would be hard put dissolved all existing political parties and banned hundreds of tO absorb any punitive economic measures from the United States their members from political activity. As Chun tOOk each step, and Japan. Chun also runs the risk 0f tnggermg new protests the United States repeatedly expressed concern about the drift Of events—especially about the Kim verdict. Japan also warned at home ifhe allows Kim t0 hang. Once unleashed, the frustrations and anger Of his countrymen could yet produce a new serres that the execution Of Kim could damage ties between the two of images even more frightening than the snapshots 0f 1980. nations. But Chun's government was defiant: his functionarles GUILT BY ASSOC ー A 02 Such a blatant display of rough political "justice ” had not been seen since Stalin's show trials in the 1930S. ln a metal-barred dock at a makeshift Peking courthouse sat the "Gang 0f Four"—including Mao Tse-tung's wid- OW, Jiang Qing—and six alleged co-conspirators. A 69-page indictment charged them with "all kinds 0f intrigue," blamed them for the violent excesses of the 1966-76 CuIturaI RevoIution and held them accountable for 34 , 800 deaths. Peking's present leaders clearly wanted to present the trial as a legitimate criminal proceeding. But from the first carefully edited broadcast shown on nationwide television, it was clear that the ten defendants were presumed guilty—until proven guilty. The trial, in fact, is a 」 udgment on virtually an entire generation Of the country's political elite. As the proceedings against the Gang Of Four went on, Chairman Hua Guofeng, Ma0's handpicked successor, abruptly dropped from sight, stirring rumors that he will be forced t0 resign. Purges within the army and the party bureaucracy are already under way. But the ultimate target seemed tO be the late Great Helmsman himself. "You are trying t0 make the wife pay her husband's debts," shouted Jiang Qing at one point during the showcase trial. Whatever cnmes she and her co-defendants may have committed, Jiang Qing was partially correct. The truth is that the extraordinary proceedings in Peking were aimed directly at dismantling the imposing legacy 0f Mao Tse-tung. Eastfoto 45 NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981
PERISCOPE How Stockman Wi11 Cut 亡 he Budget President-elect Ronald Reagan spoke only vaguely during the campaign Of reducing "waste, fraud and in the Federal budget, but a team Of experts under the direction of David Stockman, the 34-year-old director-designate of the Offce of Management and Budget, has already targeted a sweep- ing set 0f reductions in government spending. The OMB task force plans tO deliver its recommendations tO Republican Con- gressional leaders early next month , before the lnauguration, hoping t0 line up support before the bills are presented. The pnncipal objective, one Stockman aide says, is tO "cut 0 the undeserving. '' Some 0f the proposals: ー EIiminate the fOOd stamps that are now available in many cases t0 people in no danger 0f going hungry, such as eollege students from middle-class families and well-paid construction workers undergoing seasonal layo . ・ Put a cap on the total amount spent for medicare and Medicaid payments. The main would be tO continue covermg essential medical services while curbing runaway hospital costs. ・ Drastically reduce the $ 52 billion in low-interest Federalloans extended annually tO farmers, businessmen and Other members of the middle and upper classes. ・ Cut back on Federal construction pro. 」 ects. ・ Seek revenue from services now offered free tO the wealthy : for example, an annual license fee for yachts, intended t0 defray the Coast Guard's cost Of maintaining navigational aids and pro- viding rescue service for owners Of pleasure boats. The U. S. Fi11s a Dip10macy Gap The State Department has filled a key post in the U. S. Embassy in Moscow at a time when interpretation ofSoviet policy is critical. Mark Garrison, the No. 2 diplomat at the embassy, took early retirement recently tO teach and help organize an institute for the study 0f U. S. -Soviet diplomacy at Brown University. Wash- ington has tapped Jack Matlock, its ambassador-designate tO Prague, to fill in briefly for Garrison as deputy t0 Ambassador Thomas Watson, a Carter political appointee. MatIock will stay on until Ronald Reagan's ambassador settles intO the jOb. Weighing Reagan's lmpact on B1acks The Joint Center for PoIitical Studies, a black-operated think tank in Washington, will spend about $ 500 , 0 開 to study the Reagan Administration's economic proposals and weigh their probable impact on the black community. Black leaders hope the research will enable them to talk more knowledgeably with key members of Congress and the Administration when the time comes tO consider such proposals as urban enterpnse zones, WhiCh would Offer tax incentives tO attract businesses tO れ areas, and cash vouchers to help the poor pay rent and sch001 bills. Changes in Russia's Five-Year Plan Moscow sources say that the POIish crisis prompted last-minute reVISions in the SOViet Union's latest five-year economic plan, released a few weeks ago. The rewritten version reduces the em- phasis on industrial development and calls instead for increased spending on consumer goods. The changes apparently reflect KremIin fears that consumer unrest could spread across the border from P01and into the U. S. S. R. , where slumping agricultural pro- 4 duction has caused acute shortages Of meat and dairy products. Western diplomats can't tell yet whether the Soviets really intend tO shore up the consumer economy or whether the changes in the plan are just for show. Ground es for FBI Probes Before leaving offce, Attorney General Benjamin Civiletti plans tO issue the first comprehensive guidelines for undercover ln- vestigations by the FBI. One new rule, designed t0 keep agency probes from going beyond their original goals, will require future Abscam-type pro. 」 ects tO undergo earlier and more intensive review by top-level Justice Department offcials. New Repression in Uruguay Sources in South America say that many Uruguayan dissidents and their relatives have disappeared or have been arrested since the November plebiscite in which voters rejected the rulingjunta's bid for greater power under the constitution, One Of those missing is Dr. Teresa Gomez de Voituret, a prominent neurologist and medical professor, whO was last seen being led from the Montevideo airport after returning from Argentina. She had met in Buenos Aires with members of the Service for Peace and Justice, led by N0bel peace laureate Ad01f0 Pérez Esquivel. Reagan Fans: T 0 Peo 0f Vietnam "Boat people" arnving in Thailand from Vietnam report that Ronald Reagan 's U. S. election victory pleased all ofthe Vietnamese except the small minority whO support their country's harsh Marx- ist regime. According tO the refugees, most Vietnamese 100k for- ward t0 a tough Reagan policy toward the Hanoi leadership. The Vietnamese are alSO said tO be hoping for another invasion by China. Brzezinski as Mr. Unpopularity The most unpopular member Of President Carter' s Admin- istration? Accordi11g t0 Presidential pollster Pat Caddell, the win- ner by a landslide is Zbigniew Brzezinski, the President's assistant for national-security affairs. ln a Caddell survey Of voters, Brze- zinski was given an "unfavorable" rating by 80%—worst 0f any Carter aide. One Administration offcial observed: " really shouldn't be surprised. After all, he was booed spontaneously at the convention ⅲ New York, and if he was that unpopular with Democrats, we should have realized how he was going over with the country as a whOle. '' rn of the USIA The Reagan Administration plans tO rechristen one Federal bureau with its original name: the United States lnformation Agency. lt became the lnternational Communication Agency un- der Jimmy Carter, partly because his advisers thought USIA sounded t00 much like CIA and raised suspicions abroad 0f a connection with the intelligence agency. That doesn't bOther Rea- gan's people, wh0 complain that the information agency has be- come "an apologist for America. " Aides say that Reagan will order a more aggressive and upbeat effort, starting with putting the "U. S. " back into the agency's name. B ILL ROEDER with bureau reports NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981
MOVIES Luke SkywaIker aboard れ is spacy steed, a smashing moment in ' A ⅳ p ねれ・ ! ' : Runaway 響 i れれ・′ s at Eu 「 OP ・ ' 5 bO 置 0 骭 ic ・ 5 HOORAY FOR HO しⅣ W000 ! By Edward 日・ h he figures varied slightly from country t0 country, but the trend was unmistakable. once again, Amencan movles were the runaway champions at European box omces in 1980. "Kramer vs. Kramer ” topped the list just about everywhere, followed closely—in France and Britain—by that imaginatively cynical spoof "Airplane!' ' and "The Empire Strikes Back. ' TO film-industry moguls, the American successes scarcely came as a surprise. ln divorce-prone Europe, the " Kramer' ' theme was bound tO attract huge audiences, and Dustin Hoffman' s klutzy charm proved as irresistible tO Europeans as it had tO Americans. "The Empire Strikes Back' ' was a natural, t00 , after the 1979 European success Of " Star Wars. ' ' The only true surpnse was "Airplane!' 1 , aptly retitled : " ls There a Pi10t on This Plane?' ' Here t00 there was a reason. What was immediately regarded in North America as a skillful put-down of hyperventilated disaster moues underwent a striking transformation when it crossed the AtIantic. Europeans saw it as a more sophisticated film. "Air- plane! ' ' is a quintessentially American film and one that probably could not have been made anywhere else. A succession Of slam- bang skits, corny jOkes and irreverent commentary proved that "Airplane!' ' was determined t0 take nothing senously—including itself. 火 e 記 humor has never been the forte of Continental film- makers. European directors generally prefer a slower pace and more "meaningful" subject matter even When it comes tO comedy. The result often is the sort of movie everyone says is very funny but which gets hardly a gtggle ⅲ the theaters. European movie fans, on the other hand, have demonstrated that they can respond to—and delight in—the kind 0f outrageous humor that long has characterized many Of America's most successful comedies. The Marx Brothers are still big in the revival houses, for instance, 52 and Woody AIIen's celluloid attempts at self-analysis have made him a folk hero throughout Europe. There was another sleeper in 1980 at European box offces, "Monty Python's Life 0f Brian, ' ' a deliberately irreverent take- 0 on the preachings and pilgrrmages of Jesus. Angrily denounced by religious groups in England and banned outright by irate clergy- men in Scotland, it was shown without a trace Of protest in virtually all 0f Continental Europe—except for a brief outcry in ltaly, tO nobody's surprise. ln cities as different as Lisbon and Paris, "Life Of Brian" was a sellout, perhaps because even Roman CathoIic filmgoers experlenced a form Of catharsis in its gentle, good-natured mocking 0f a neo-Christ figure. As one Portuguese commentator said : " lt is a film that mocks intolerance, religious fanaticism and political charades—and G0d knows we have had our fill 0f those recently. here were the truly European movies? And why was it that American films are increasing their share Of the European audience? The answers are that many dis- tmguished European directors seem tO be running out Of steam— and European audiences are reacting by staying home. ltaly's Ettore SCOla is a case in point. He is noted and acclaimed for his compassionate, bittersweet portrayals Of ltalian society; yet in 1980 the best he could 0 飛 r was "La Terrazza ”—an unabashed reworking Of hiS earlier movies, and an inferior product. But while 1980 was far from a vintage year for the European film industry, there were some onginal—even remarkable—films produced in 1980 : Alain Resnais's "Mon Oncle d'Amérique,' Bertrand Tavernier's Semaine de Vacances ” and Maurice PiaIat's " Loulou. " Resnais's is a bit pretentious, but Tavernier's is truly accomplished and Pialat's is genuinely delightful. Any one of these films in any single year would provide adequate NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981
BorreI—Sipa-BIack Star UPI T 〃 r 川 0 ″加ー S 記イ 0 ら the ル 0 ′加 eg 〃 ~ 0 co 〃 $ / 0 ア r 川 , 〃〃 0 襯房 g 〃 0 ' eag 住ル〃 g / 0 尾 ig 〃ア 0 ″ A P01icy of Resurgence drifting from criSiS tO criSiS, Reagan's ad- visers believe. American military readiness will be substantially improved, and any arms-control talks with the Russians will By Fred CoIeman, DipIomatic Correspondent be conducted from a position Of renewed strength. At a minimum, this means mam- f RonaId Reagan and Alexander Haig abroad again, but this time on a more se- I tenance Of the present . American air and lective basis than that 0f world police- have their way, U. S. foreign policy will sea superiorlty in order tO stop the Soviets man. TO be successful, resurgence requires radically change course beginning in 1981 , from projecting their military power t0 dis- the right choices—which weapons t0 build, for only the third time since World r tant parts Of the world. Accommodations Ⅱ . Phase 1 , the containment of Commu- WhiCh issues tO stress, WhiCh reglons tO defend by force, which burdens t0 shift such as trade and arms-control agreements nism, ended with the American defeat in will be firmly linked to Soviet behavior on tO allies. Reagan insiders consider fu- Vietnam. Phase 2 , the relaxation Of ten- the world stage. "I have alway been a pro- sions promised by détente, collapsed with tile any attempt by the United States t0 ponent 0f linkage," Haig says ・ the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the regain unilateral supenority over the SO- ・ Modernizing the alliance. NATO was threat to the Persian Gulf 0 ⅱ fields. Phase viets across the board. The world Reagan and Haig inherit is formed for the conditions of the 1950S , the 3 , the Reagan watershed, is intended to perceived SOViet threat tO Western Europe. dominated by these grim facts: the Soviets mark the-resurgence Of American power. already equal U. S. nuclear strength and The alliance is ill equipped to deal with As Haig put it last year: "A firm, un- the principal challenge 0f the 1980S , in- ambiguous demonstration Of renewed U. S. may surpass it, U. S. policymakers can no longer orchestrate the way European allies stability in the Persian Gulf. Reagan ad- strength and ability t0 lead is long overdue. '' V1sers believe that a consistent policy, free and Japan respond to the Soviet challenge, 、 resurgence iS a wise or even from the zigzags Of the Carter years, will and the West survives on energy supplies feasible policy remains tO be seen. But there from the politically unstable Persian Gulf, encourage the Europeans tO share more can be little doubt it will be tried, perhaps Of the military and economic burdens in under another name. Richard Allen, Rea- inconveniently located in 、 IOSCOW ' S stra- meeting the Soviet challenge beyond Eu- tegic backyard. Haig thinks such factors gan's foreign-policy adviser, prefers the rope. ThiS iS by no means certain. Euro- could converge t0 make the 1980S the most word "renalssance. " Zbigniew Brzezinski, peans like tO think they have the statesmen President Carter's national-security advis- dangerous decade since World War Ⅱ . But and Americans have the power. They are er, talks Of "revitalization. '' AII draw sup- his goals are far more modest than renewed American superiority. "Clearly the task wrong on bOth counts. Vietnam and lran port from the same sea change in American proved the limits 0f American power. And ahead in this vital decade will be the man- thinking. Reagan will be the first American there has been no European statesman since President to take omce since the Vietnam agement 0f g10bal Soviet power," the Sec- Charles de Gaulle able to move beyond retary-designate t01d the Republican con- War with a broad, bipartisan consensus for national interest toward a ViSion Of Europe vention last summer. He warned that the a more assertive foreign policy tO protect as a united political power. The time may United States cannot do the job alone. "I the country's vital interests abroad. have come for AmericanS tO question their have reminded our friends in Europe that There are, of course, very sharp limits policy 0f Europe first. America' s trade with the days are gone when they could sit on tO that mandate. Resurgence does not imply Asia is more important than its trade with the sidelines," said Haig. a return to the cold war, an all-out arms Europe. The Third World is a bigger export Many details ofthe Reagan-Haig foreign race, another try at glObal containment Of market for the United States than Europe policy haven't yet been worked out. But Communism or an automatic willingness and Japan combined. If the Europeans and the ma. 」 or priorities already are clear. They t0 intervene with force abroad. The key the -Japanese cannot agree on more equl- question bOils down t0 this: dO you send include: table burden-sharing within the alliance, in the Marines? If the Soviets try tO station ・ Reinvigorating ま he American domestic the United States has the option Of uni- economy. NO Other single step in the new nuclear missiles-in Nicaragua, the answer laterally shifting its attention tO vital areas Administration 's first tWO years could con- is probably yes. If Marxists seize power tribute more tO its ability tO influence bOth like the gulf, forcing the allies t0 d0 more there an d redistribute the land, the answer tO defend their own regions. is probably no. adversaries and allies abroad. ■ Rethinking the ル d10 East. Carter's ln short, resurgence IS something new, ・ Meeting 山 0 Soviet challenge. Engage- greatest foreign-policy success was prob- a readiness tO flex Amencan muscles ment on the world scene is less risky than NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 16 FA 旧 S
POLAND Stepping Back ashed by a freezing rain, a worker, a L cardinal and a Communist omcial marched together toward a floodlit plat- form in Gdansk. Before them soared a gleaming steel monument tO the dead in Poland's 1970 labor riots. As the three rep- resentatives Of Poland's beleaguered power centers presided over its dedication last week, their show 0f unity encouraged hope that the monument might alSO serve as a milestone on the way tO a peaceful set- tlement Of the POlish crisis. "Our country needs, first 0f all, internal peace, " declared the worker, Lech Walesa, leader of the in- dependent union organization called SOli- darity. "l call on you tO maintain peace, order and respect. I call on you for reason nd common sense in all endeavors for the good 0f our fatherland. ' The calls to calm and reason reflected the fact that a Soviet invasion remains a very live threat. Some 30 SOViet divisions were still battle ready at the Polish borders, poised tO march on a day's notice. The Kremlin's spokesmen continued tO play a high-low game. ln Western Europe, Soviet ermssanes expressed the soothing confi- dence that P01ish Communist Party leader StanisIaw Kania could clean up his coun- try's mess without SOViet "help. " But in 、 OSCOW , a more menacing com- mentary in Pravda suggested that the NATO alliance would prefer "chaos and anarchy" in P01and—and implicitly reaf- firmed the right Of Warsaw's leaders tO ask the Kremlin for "fraternal assistance. ” Unity: Ever since construction Of Gdansk's labor monument was approved as part Of the settlement with striking work- ers last summer, Communist leaders had feared tha t its dedication would inflame tensions anew. . one precaution, they banned the sale of alcohol for three days before the event. Soviet troops disappeared from the streets SO as not tO incite any nationalistic resentment. B ut the half mil- lion Poles who showed up for the ceremony honored the theme Of "reconc ・ liation. ” As he blessed the 140-foot struc ure, crowned by three crosses and three anchors as sym- bols of faith and hope, Cardinal Franciszek Macharski, the archbishop of Cracow, de- creed it monument Of reconciliation and a sign Of the victory 0f hope and love over hate. ” ln a more secular vein, Tadeusz FiSZ- bach, Gdansk's Communist leader, stressed the need for unity "in the common house of Poland. ' ln the most moving moments, the names of 28 Gdansk workers known to have died in the 1970 riots were read aloud. After each name, the huge crowd chanted : “阨 ro イ〃の” ("He is among us"). But the spirit 0f Gdansk was darkened by hard realities that continued tO threaten PO- T ん 0 e 加加 G イ住〃 : お住″ん住れイん 0 NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 D AFFA 旧 S 第 aging hint, he added only one caveat: -«merican penny-pinching. "l don't our people will accept a solution by t which the money would be increased or decreased by even one dinar, ” he cautioned Washington. Even lran's mullahs seemed tO be eager for a deal, though in retrospect it looked as if they may have been manipulating Christmas spirits tO squeeze a quick agree- ment out Of Carter. Prime Minister RaJ ai emerged from a meeting with Ayat011ah Khomeini tO pronounce the hostages "a dead issue. ” Then, in a muddled allusion tO the Christmas season, he said that if the U. S. met "certain financial guarantees, ' he saw no reason Why America couldn't "take those spies out any time, any day— call it a feast, or a birthday or whatever they call it. " After a visit with the Swedish ambassador, RaJ ai said more precisely that the hostages might be freed by Christmas. "God willing, " he prayed, "there will be no hostage issue soon. Dismayed: But when lran sent 0 its 0 飛 r to Washington, the demand for the return of the Shah's wealth, scaled back and retooled as it was, remained as intrac- table as ever. TO make matters harder, AIi Reza Nobar1, governor Of I ran's central bank—and normally a moderate—took a particularly tough line on the return Of lran's frozen assets. "I really want the hOS- tages t0 be freed, ” he said 、 "But so far Carter has not done all the things we've wanted. ' ' Dismayed, one intermediary said, “ lt sometimes seems as if the moderates and the hard-liners have reversed roles; the moderates are demanding the money and the hard-liners are saying the hostages could be out for Christmas. Things are to- tally unpredictable and could drag on for months or be resolved overnight. ” lran's chaotic internal politics promised even more agonizing delays. Violent anti- clerical demonstrations broke out in Ta- briz, Qom, Mashhad and lsfahan, distract- ing the fundamentalist lslamic Republican Party from the hostage issue. ln another bleak development, lran executed Simon Farzami, the Jewish editor 0f the daily Te- heran Journal, on charges Of spying for the United States. His crlme : connections with the press attaché at the American Em- bassy. The execution led tO speculation that / を lran might choose t0 make its own 50 , 開 () Jews surrogate hate Obj ects once the hOS- tages are released. Back in the United States, the families of the hostages could only trim their Christmas trees and pray for a breakthrough. Archbisop Hilarion Ca- pucci, a Melchite prelate wh0 has acted as an intermediary before, was due in Te- heran this week. But it turned out that hiS mission was tO arrange Christmas serv- ices for the hostages—once again in the occupied American Embassy. TOM MATHEWS with ELAINE SCIOLINO in Rome and CHRISTOPHER MA in Washington Laski—Sipa-BIack Star 6
Etienne Georges—Sygma Depa 「 di ・ , Huppert in ' し ou ー 0 ' MicheI GaIabru, Baye in ' U れ・ Semaine de Vacances': A renaissance in ド′・ 00h films evidence that the French cinema, at least, is alive and thriving. Resnais' s film does suffer from the very reverence in which he is held. No colleague dared to tell him, apparently, that having his characters wear rats' heads ()O prove the point that humans under stress behave no differently from laboratory animals) was unnecessary and vulgar. Nor did anyone point out that Dr. Henri Laborit, the well-known behaviorist whO appears constantly in the movie to explain what is going on, looks like an elderly drag queen. Yet, even with its faults, the film is a remarkable exerclse in laying bare the deeply primal motivations that determine our surface emotions and our day-to-day actions. avermer avoided Resnais's mistakes, and produced a curious but compelling work. "Une Semaine de Vacances" takes the latest French "discovery," NathaIie Baye, through a mild nervous breakdown, during which she ponders the meaning Of her drab life as a schoolteacher in Lyons. LittIe happens, little is resolved. N0body dies. There is no "message. " Why is it, then, that this is one of the most memorable films of 1980 ? Possibly because it is visually quite beautiful. But more im- portantly because Tavernier distills the quintessential / 〃 g 立 Of our times. He focuses on small, insignificant things, making the point that ordinary people are totally unable tO influence events. Trivial matters, he tells us, absorb us because we have lost control Of our destiny. Pialat's film, "LouIou," goes far beyond the passionate physical affair between a down-and-out beatnik on the fringe of the un- derworld (Gérard Depardieu) and the dishy, supercilious, upper- class adwoman (lsabelle Huppert). Pialat is a notoriously eccentric director, an artiste WhO drives hiS actors crazy. SO concerned is he with "naturalness ” that his cast never knows whether the cameras are rolling or not. His film is fraught with tension as well as pathos—and some Of that tension was obviously induced by PiaIat himself. But I defy anyone to film as intimate a love scene as Pialat does in "Loulou. " We are no longer in a C1nema. are voyeurs peering through a keyhole. The suburban Sunday NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 lunch scene, where Huppert suddenly realizes the kind of family life she will face if she has Depardieu's child, will undoubtedly be studied by serlous cinema students for years. Yet, even if there were some marvelous tO even if there were something Of a renaissance in the French film world, the truth is that the moneymakers of 1980 were turkeys. Mercifu41y, the commercial successes Of the French cinema have virtually no chance 0f being screened outside France. Unfortunately, they ル e 尾 screened in France. And what did French filmgoers pay to see? Claude Zidi's "Les Sous-Doués," a slapstick comedy so inane that its very vulgarity gave it .a kind Of kitsch attraction. Jean-Paul Belmond0's "Le Guignolo, ” which has him doing his now-overworked act in multiple disguises—and which only proves that he is not, nor ever will be, as accomplished at that art form as Peter SeIIers was. And finally "La Banquiere," a much-trum- peted star vehicle for Romy Schneider that exploits the current craze for 1920S retrospective décor. That is about all it accom- plishes. A tale about a crooked stockbroker, "La Banquiere" left its audiences—lured into the theaters by one of the most costly publicity campaigns in recent years—squirming with bore- dom and wondering why they ever left the comforts of home. erhaps the most significant trend Of the French cinema in 1980 was not what the directors did, but what the mon- eymakers decided. There has already been a rebirth of the European film industry due tO the injection of television and radi0 money int0 full-length film production. ln fact, the most important technical news 0f 1980 was that the powerful French radiO network "Europe Numero Un" has teamed up with the second largest French producing conglomerate, UGC, to produce films. Then, in December, the third largest producer-distributor, Parafrance, announced that it plans to co-produce films with Radio-Television Monte Carlo. AII this presages the same kind Of software revolution that is already occurrlng in the United States, a revolution that is bound tO give the European film industry a new—and welcome—lease on life in the 1980S.