Etienne Georges—Sygma Depa 「 di ・ , Huppert in ' し ou ー 0 ' MicheI GaIabru, Baye in ' U れ・ Semaine de Vacances': A renaissance in ド′・ 00h films evidence that the French cinema, at least, is alive and thriving. Resnais' s film does suffer from the very reverence in which he is held. No colleague dared to tell him, apparently, that having his characters wear rats' heads ()O prove the point that humans under stress behave no differently from laboratory animals) was unnecessary and vulgar. Nor did anyone point out that Dr. Henri Laborit, the well-known behaviorist whO appears constantly in the movie to explain what is going on, looks like an elderly drag queen. Yet, even with its faults, the film is a remarkable exerclse in laying bare the deeply primal motivations that determine our surface emotions and our day-to-day actions. avermer avoided Resnais's mistakes, and produced a curious but compelling work. "Une Semaine de Vacances" takes the latest French "discovery," NathaIie Baye, through a mild nervous breakdown, during which she ponders the meaning Of her drab life as a schoolteacher in Lyons. LittIe happens, little is resolved. N0body dies. There is no "message. " Why is it, then, that this is one of the most memorable films of 1980 ? Possibly because it is visually quite beautiful. But more im- portantly because Tavernier distills the quintessential / 〃 g 立 Of our times. He focuses on small, insignificant things, making the point that ordinary people are totally unable tO influence events. Trivial matters, he tells us, absorb us because we have lost control Of our destiny. Pialat's film, "LouIou," goes far beyond the passionate physical affair between a down-and-out beatnik on the fringe of the un- derworld (Gérard Depardieu) and the dishy, supercilious, upper- class adwoman (lsabelle Huppert). Pialat is a notoriously eccentric director, an artiste WhO drives hiS actors crazy. SO concerned is he with "naturalness ” that his cast never knows whether the cameras are rolling or not. His film is fraught with tension as well as pathos—and some Of that tension was obviously induced by PiaIat himself. But I defy anyone to film as intimate a love scene as Pialat does in "Loulou. " We are no longer in a C1nema. are voyeurs peering through a keyhole. The suburban Sunday NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 lunch scene, where Huppert suddenly realizes the kind of family life she will face if she has Depardieu's child, will undoubtedly be studied by serlous cinema students for years. Yet, even if there were some marvelous tO even if there were something Of a renaissance in the French film world, the truth is that the moneymakers of 1980 were turkeys. Mercifu41y, the commercial successes Of the French cinema have virtually no chance 0f being screened outside France. Unfortunately, they ル e 尾 screened in France. And what did French filmgoers pay to see? Claude Zidi's "Les Sous-Doués," a slapstick comedy so inane that its very vulgarity gave it .a kind Of kitsch attraction. Jean-Paul Belmond0's "Le Guignolo, ” which has him doing his now-overworked act in multiple disguises—and which only proves that he is not, nor ever will be, as accomplished at that art form as Peter SeIIers was. And finally "La Banquiere," a much-trum- peted star vehicle for Romy Schneider that exploits the current craze for 1920S retrospective décor. That is about all it accom- plishes. A tale about a crooked stockbroker, "La Banquiere" left its audiences—lured into the theaters by one of the most costly publicity campaigns in recent years—squirming with bore- dom and wondering why they ever left the comforts of home. erhaps the most significant trend Of the French cinema in 1980 was not what the directors did, but what the mon- eymakers decided. There has already been a rebirth of the European film industry due tO the injection of television and radi0 money int0 full-length film production. ln fact, the most important technical news 0f 1980 was that the powerful French radiO network "Europe Numero Un" has teamed up with the second largest French producing conglomerate, UGC, to produce films. Then, in December, the third largest producer-distributor, Parafrance, announced that it plans to co-produce films with Radio-Television Monte Carlo. AII this presages the same kind Of software revolution that is already occurrlng in the United States, a revolution that is bound tO give the European film industry a new—and welcome—lease on life in the 1980S.

NOW , AND 日 c 肥 WANT 和 \ AWWAY? 4 D ! W 〒 7 Powell ◎ 1980 Raleigh News and Observer A B10 虹 e Transition ga ″ ' $ 住に襯 $ 〃 era みんみ〃尾住〃 cra ″ c イな ea ″ん 0 知 c ″ t is known formally as the Offce 0f the I President-elect, and its staff fills nine floors 0f a 、 downtown Washington building. lts telephone book, updated every week, lists nearly 600 names, but the full crew is more than twice as large—and still grow- ing. Their memorandums and reports f100d headquarters in a sea 0f paper, and the photocopying bill alone will exceed $ 50 , 网 . For an advance party whose mis- sion was merely tO scout the sprawling Fed- eral establishment, Ronald Reagan's transi- tion team seems dangerously vulnerable tO the disease it hopes most tO cure : bureau- cratic bloat. "This government is supposed tO be lean and trim, ' ' groused one Re- publican congressman, "but this transition looks like something created by HEW. ' The Reagan transition, in fact, is both behind schedule and over its budget—the hallmark shortcomings of the government it aims to reform. With new names leaked almost daily, its Cabinet-selection process seems likely t0 run a full month beyond the original target date. Transition 0 用 - cials, who say the budget hasn't been changed since 1976 , concede they have al- ready spent the $ 2 million allocated by Congress. Their fund raisers are canvass- ing Republican loyalists for donations tO cover the deficit, and the Carter Admin- istration is barely muffng its laughter. "They're going through the same thing we did—just on a grander scale," one White House aide said last week. He was right: Carter had made do with only 350 transition staffers and returned $ 38 , 网 tO the Treasury. Reagan's team faces other embarrassments as well—a series Of brush- fire disputes over policy pronouncements by impatient transitioners and a contro- versy over the appointment Of an OhiO Teamsters umon omcial tO an interim ad- visory panel. The wh01e process, said a disappointed veteran 0f the Nixon Admin- istration, seems "somewhat awkward and overblown. ' The problem, ⅲ large part, is that the Reagan forces are trying tO conduct an ex- haustive survey Of the executive branch, and they are using mainly neophytes. MOSt of the fact-finding, as transition chief Ed Meese prefers to call it, is conducted by more than 1 网 volunteers. Some of the jobs have been awarded tO Reagan support- ers WhO have no apparent expertise; anti- feminist Phyllis Schlafly, for one, was list- ed as an adviser on foreign policy. Ranking fact finders are supplied with an "Execu- tive omce setup"—a brown paper bag con- taining a yellow pad, a staple remover, four ballpoint pens, four pencils and a supply 0f paperclips—、 vith which they proceed t0 produce mountains Of paperwork. Tran- sition teams file three separate reports on each FederaI agency, detailing its pro- grams, personnel and their recommenda- tions for change—a volume Of data that one Carter Administration skeptic termed 'wasted motion. ' ' "Every Cabinet Secre- tary always starts from scratch, ' ' he said. "The real transition is the first six months. ” The influx of volunteers inevitably cre- ated problems 0f its own—most 0f all, a series Of inflammatory comments from the transition team' S eager conservatives. One anonymous aide leaked a list Of "social re- formers ” who he said should be removed し S. AFFA 旧 S from sensitive diplomatic posts. The list included Robert White, U. S. ambassador to EI SaIvador, and White quickly accused the transition team Of "malice and stupid- ity" for undermining his authority (NEWS- WEEK, Dec. 22 ). And Robert Neumann, chief Of the transition team for the State Department, publicly predicted that Rea- gan would pursue an "avowedly nation- alistic" foreign policy that would avoid "ab- stractions" like Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights. Neumann's remarks set 0 a minor uproar, and transition spokes- man James Brady said Neumann spoke only for himself.. "Our problem is that we have 1 , 5 開 people who can't resist the temp- tation tO expound on policy, ” sighed a sen- ior hand. "They speak without status, and they're not entirely accurate. B ut for six weeks they can pass themselves 0 as aides t0 Ronald Reagan. ' Saying No: There are domestic-policy disputes as well. Carter' s director Of the omce •of Management and Budget, James McIntyre, turned down a request from his successor, Rep. David Stockman 0f Michi- gan, for an early 100k at the 1982 Federal budget. "We can't be making our decisions with them looking over our shoulders and leaking stuff on why it was the wrong thing to do," an aide complained. carol Tucker Foreman, an Assistant Agriculture Secre- tary, similarly denied a transition-team member's request for files on her depart- ment' s legal strategy tO toughen regulations on cured pork products. Her reason : the transition volunteer, C. Donald Van Houweling, is a professional lobbyist for the National Pork Producers Council. Van Houweling denied conflict of interest, but Foreman was critical nonetheless. "They shouldn't send a person whO has such a stake in what is done here, ” she complained. The ten-week transition per10d, Foreman said, "creates a terrible hiatus' ' durlng which government employees "aren't sure what tO dO or whom tO listen to. ” Her complaint cut far deeper than a lame duck's lament, and Other criticsjoined in. Harvard Prof. Laurence E. Lynn Jr. , a former offlcial in the Nixon Administration, attacked the Reagan transition team' S "overcookedb' ap- proach tO public management. "Does get- ting the government 0 the backs 0f the American people begin with a bloated tran- whose most visible achievement sition . is a budget deficit?" Lynn asked. Another political scientist, Robert Wesson, suggest- ed that the nation would be better served if the interregnum were cut tO a bare ten days, forcing Presidential candidates tO re- cruit a "shadow Cabinet ” before the elec- tion. The message for Ronald Reagan was that his overture had gone flat—and the question for the nation was whether that discordant beginning would sour his Ad- ministration-to-be. TOM MORGANTHAU with ELEANOR CLIFT and THOMAS M. DeFRANK in Washington NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

KLD AFFA 旧 S HERN 旧 ELAND The Hunger Strike Ends fter starving himself for 53 days, Sean der, ” she said. "lt is not A McKenna was close to death. With politics. '' The protesters de- his eyesight failing and his body horribly manded special handling be- emaciated, he received the last rites of the cause they had been convicted Roman Catholic Church at his bed in Maze in special anti-terronst courts. lfthey were treated as political Prison outside Belfast. McKenna's mother was informed that the convicted lrish Re- pnsoners instead Of common publican Army terrorlst could live no more criminals, they argued, they than 24 hours unless he ended his hunger would be allowed privileges strike. Northern lreland's police, expecting such as more visitors and the McKenna's death to provoke a spasm of right tO wear their own clothes instead Of prison uniforms. violence, canceled all leaves. Scotland Yard warned Londoners 0f a possible IRA And political-prisoner treat- Christmas bombing campaign. Then, some- ment would have been a ma. 」 or what inexplicably, the 40 hunger strikers propaganda coup for the IRA, gave up. The "fast t0 the death" was over— stamping a seal 0f legitimacy and, by all appearances, Prime Minister on the organizaton. ノ・ Margaret Thatcher' s unyielding politics Memo: Three nearly simul- had produced a victory over the IRA. taneous acts appear tO have The IRA hoped to use the hunger strike broken the protest. McKenna tO get itsjailed comrades treated as political was transferred tO a civilian pnsoners, and for weeks the fast seemed hospital because he was SO tO revive the movement's declining for- near death. The European Chip Hires—Gamma-Liaison tunes. Ulster's Catholics demonstrated in ParIiament rej ected a debate the biggest numbers since the mass civil- on the hunger strike. And pro- rights rallies 0f the early 1970S. The pris- testers were handed a 30-page oners' families led large rallies, shouting memorandum from Secretary Of State for 、åost Ulster residents were relieved, and the battle cry: "Don't let them die!" Nearly Northern lreland Humphrey Atkins, who some Protestants were ebullient. "lt's tOtal 500 other republican prlsoners protested told thém that under regular prison rules, collapse and surrender for the IRA," ex- by wearing only blankets, refusing tO wash they were already allowed most of the ulted one man in BeIfast. "lt's a great vic- and smearing excrement on the walls. Only pnvileges they were starving for. Atkins tory for the British. " But in the cycle of McKenna came so close to death, but the said he had made the same point to the violence in Northern lreland, even victones protests were SO effective at capturlng pnsoners earlier this. month. This time, do not produce peace. If the IRA feels be- worldwide attention that Britain launched he said, 、 'They saw the government meant leaguered, it may resume its campaign Of a counter-propaganda campaign. Embas- what it has been saying all along, that terror. sies throughout Europe and the United it would not grant political status JOHN BRECHER with LEA DONOSKY in Belfast States distributed a color brochure describ- Faced with the choice df dying or living, CHAD ing Maze Prison as "on a par with the they chose tO live. '' Kaddafi's First best in Western Europe"—and emphasiz- The hunger strike ended so quickly that ing that the prisoners were starving and it caught the IRA by surprise. McKenna Victory in Africa living in filth by their own choice. was immediately fed intravenously, but he Thatcher would not budge in her insist- remained seriously weak. The Other hun- ence that the prisoners be treated like Oth- ger strikers ate fOOd soon after the memo For more than a week, Libyan forces er cnminals. iS murder iS mur- bombarded Chad's capital of Ndjamena. was delivered. And the 5 開 prisoners wear- ltalian-made fighter planes strafed from ing blankets may end their S な催川 0 〃イ cCa れ〃 : 川加〃 $ ″ c カ protest this week. IRA spokes- overhead, and mortar and artillery fire AP men made the best case they raked the positions ofDefense Minister His- could for the settlement, sein Habré and his rebellious Armed Forces claiming the Atkins memo of the North. Outgunned and outmanned, contained ma. 」 or concessions. Habré's army managed to destroy twenty "lt is political recognition, al- Of its enemy's 50 Soviet-made tanks in the though we don't expect the first encounter. But last week the Libyan Brits to formally say this," firepower finally proved t00 much. Before the expected infantry battle even began, said Danny Morrison, a Habré slipped into neighboring Cameroon spokesman for Sinn Fein, the political arm of the IRA. and most ofhis men retreated to their desert base at Abéché. The British insisted they had Without engaging a single soldier in di- made no concesslons, and their claims Of victory rang truer rect combat, Libya's COI. Muammar Kad- than the IRA's. lt appeared dafi had won his first major victory in Black that the Atkins memo was Africa. He had aided Chad's President largely a way t0 let the pro- Goukouni Oueddei in his struggle with testers back down while sav- Habré and had taken a small but significant ing face and McKenna's life. step toward realizing his own dream Of NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 1 8

army was forced tO withdraw. But the militants never had a chance. The army seized control Of the city in a swift strike. The protesters were either killed in the assault or were jailed afterward. After that, the outcome of Kim's court-martial was never in doubt. NO matter that the charges against him were, as U. S. offcials put it, "farfetched, ” he was accused of inciting the Kwan&JIl upnsing even though it started after his arrest. NO matter that Kim and his co-defendants repeatedly de- nied that they had advocated ⅵ 0- lence and that there was no con- clusive evidence that they ever had. No matter that the defend- antS said their "confessions ” were extracted by torture; their jailers had stripped them naked, crushed their fingers and twisted sticks be- tween their legs. The verdict was guilty from the beginning, the sen- tence was to be death and it was P. ChauveI—Sygma upheld by a higher military court. SoIdie ′ 5 00 「れ 0 「 a p 「 oteste 「 during the Kwangju uprising: す h ・ militants 0 ・・「 had a cha れ 0 ・ If the appeal is turned down by orchestrated a campaign denouncing "imperialistic" Japanese the Supreme Court, only Chun can prevent the hanging ・ pressure. Responding t0 question about the impact Of an ex- hroughout the year, Chun never demonstrated a forgiving ecution on U. S. -Korean relations, one South Korean 0 用 ci 引 laughed derisively. "Will the United States cut diplomatic re- instinct or an intent tO dO anything but eliminate his op- lations? PuII its troops out? Declare war on the Republic 0fKorea? ” ponents. He instigated massive purges Of the bureaucracy Chun clearly believes he is the master of his own—and his and the labor unions, and he closed down newspapers and mag- country's—fate. But what happens tO Kim may be the real test. azines as part Of a so-called "reorganization ” Of the press. He South Korea's already weakened economy would be hard put dissolved all existing political parties and banned hundreds of tO absorb any punitive economic measures from the United States their members from political activity. As Chun tOOk each step, and Japan. Chun also runs the risk 0f tnggermg new protests the United States repeatedly expressed concern about the drift Of events—especially about the Kim verdict. Japan also warned at home ifhe allows Kim t0 hang. Once unleashed, the frustrations and anger Of his countrymen could yet produce a new serres that the execution Of Kim could damage ties between the two of images even more frightening than the snapshots 0f 1980. nations. But Chun's government was defiant: his functionarles GUILT BY ASSOC ー A 02 Such a blatant display of rough political "justice ” had not been seen since Stalin's show trials in the 1930S. ln a metal-barred dock at a makeshift Peking courthouse sat the "Gang 0f Four"—including Mao Tse-tung's wid- OW, Jiang Qing—and six alleged co-conspirators. A 69-page indictment charged them with "all kinds 0f intrigue," blamed them for the violent excesses of the 1966-76 CuIturaI RevoIution and held them accountable for 34 , 800 deaths. Peking's present leaders clearly wanted to present the trial as a legitimate criminal proceeding. But from the first carefully edited broadcast shown on nationwide television, it was clear that the ten defendants were presumed guilty—until proven guilty. The trial, in fact, is a 」 udgment on virtually an entire generation Of the country's political elite. As the proceedings against the Gang Of Four went on, Chairman Hua Guofeng, Ma0's handpicked successor, abruptly dropped from sight, stirring rumors that he will be forced t0 resign. Purges within the army and the party bureaucracy are already under way. But the ultimate target seemed tO be the late Great Helmsman himself. "You are trying t0 make the wife pay her husband's debts," shouted Jiang Qing at one point during the showcase trial. Whatever cnmes she and her co-defendants may have committed, Jiang Qing was partially correct. The truth is that the extraordinary proceedings in Peking were aimed directly at dismantling the imposing legacy 0f Mao Tse-tung. Eastfoto 45 NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

House and his proximity tO the nuclear trigger has stirred even While this does not guarantee that the next President will be more apprehension abroad than in liberal coteries at home. lndeed' of the Democratic persuaslon, it should give even the most de- many in Europe and Asia seem tO the arrival Of Ronald a measure Of consolation, SOlace and hope. Reagan in 、 vashington much as their ancestors must have viewed Third, this election did not mark a sudden shift to the right the arrival 0f Tamerlane at their city gates; they still credit the by the American electorate for the simple reason that the United political canard that Democrats are the party Of peace and the States, like many Of the world's Other democracies, has been drifting right for some years now. The pendulum has swung toward Republicans 0f bombs. the center for many reasons, not the least Of which has been 、 nonsense. the failure of traditional liberal policymakers to diagnose—let here will, Of course, be changes in the tone and direction alone come up with any plausible remedy for—the epidemic 0f of U. S. foreign policy. But while the President-elect may inflation ravagmg most Of the Western world's economres. yearn for a return tO that simple era Of the Pax Americana, Exit Jimmy Carter stage left. Enter Ronald Reagan stage right. Ronald Reagan did not campaign SO hard for the White House On the surface, this change in casting marks a sharp shift along order tO start crashing the diplomatic bric-a-brac the minute the United States political continuum. But what has been largely he gets there. If U. S. foreign policy 100ks somewhat different overlooked in all the talk about the commg 、、 sea change" in American politics is that while the nation as a whOle has moved after Jan. 20 , its essential threads will remain intact. America's friends—and enemres—should not now make the toward the center, SO t00 have many Of the conservatives now same mistake that the new President's opponents have made assuming power in Washington. A case ln point: in hiS acceptance throughout his political life—underestimating Ronald Reagan. speech at the Republican convention in Detroit last summer, the fiext President invoked the spirit and name Of Franklin R00- If his IQ does not reach the Carteresque stratosphere and if he sevelt, pledged his support for the economic 、、 safety net" that lacks the dash of Jack Kennedy, the next President, like Harry Truman and Gerald Ford, is a man at peace with himself. He the New DeaI put in place and said he would like to continue IS a man whO will not be consumed by the personal demons arms-limitation talks with the Russians. A generation ago any that ultimately destroyed the presidencies 0f more cunmng poli- GOP candidate for President who made a speech like that would ticians like Richard Nixon and Lyndon J0hnson. Whatever he have been locked up by the sergeants-at-arms. lacks in skills and subtleties, Ronald Reagan makes up in his ability tO communicate. The President-elect will not have tO pro- bviously, Ronald Reagan and his post-Keynesian economic claim t0 theAmerican people, 、、 I Ⅲ never lie t0 you. '' The American advisers will try tO rationalize, reorganize, trim, amend, people should be able t0 see that for themselves. update and recast much Of the welfare state created by With Ronald Reagan, what you see is what you get. And what FDR, elaborated by Lyndon Johnson and fiscally extended by the world may get is competence rather than brilliance, con- Richard Nixon. Even some of the "bring back the 1960S ' ' Demo- servative pragmatism rather than liberal moralizing, the steadiness cratic liberals would agree that such an overhaul is long overdue. ofthe featured player rather than the flair 0fthe political superstar. But no one expects that Reagan will systematically try tO dismantle The era of the actor-turned-President may not make for high the twentieth century. There may be hard times ahead for liberals drama. But after the turmoil 0f the past two decades, 」 ust plain and for Other Americans, but they won't come simply because Ron, with his 、、 aw shucks" manner and 、、 God bless America' Ronald Reagan will be sitting in the White House Rose Garden patriotism, could stage the sort 0f low-key performance that an taking tea with Nancy. This message should also be relayed over- overstimulated and underconfident America needs. seas. Judging by the anxiety waves emanating from Washington's Embassy Row, the prospect of Reagan's accession to the White For a couple Of acts at least. With RosaIynn at his side, Ca 杙 e 「 concedes defeat: A stinging, pe 「 so れ rebuke fo 「 an unpopular President 」 im Colburn—Photoreporters NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 19 制

theless, Haig insisted that ifhe had "lf AI Haig wants to run for that's fine with us, ” said one NATO For- to, he would do it all over again ・ "I don't feel I ever violated my per- eign Minister. "But let him go home and sonal code Of ethics at any time d0 it, instead 0f getting in our way. ” Haig finally did just that, resigning as NATO precisely the opposite," he said. "I have no apologies tO anyone. ' commander in June 1979 and returning Baggage: Against the advice 0f tO the United States tO begin a nationwide speaking tour that he hoped would even- his own retainers, Ford begged Haig t0 stay on at the White House. tually propel him t0 the 1980 GOP れ om - ination. Within a few months, howev- But Haig's Watergate baggage was simply t00 heavy, and within a few er, he realized that he lacked both the necessary funds and the political base. SO months both he and the new Presi- dent realized he would have to he put aside his White House ambitions and accepted the j0b 0f president and chief leave. Though Ford wanted to re- operating 0ffcer 0f United Technologies ward Haig by naming him Army Corp. Last April Haig underwent triple- chief Of staff, the post required con- firmation by the Senate, a process bypass heart surgery. He recovered rapidly both preferred to avoid. SO Ford and completely, however, and began ma- neuvering for a place in Reagan's Cabinet sent him instead tO Brussels as com- at last summer's GOP convention. mander 0f allied forces in Europe. AP Synthesizer: Though Haig will be the His appointment as NATO chief ル″カ ga れ : / 尾イ 0 ′尾 c 〃 0 〃 r ro 〃 g 記〃 - most expenenced foreign-policy hand in initially rankled European military 0 〃 c ー住〃イ 0 ん g イ 0 〃 g ん 0 / e S の加な men, who thought he lacked suf- the Cabinet, Reagan insiders say he will ficient combat experlence for the not play the Kissingenan role 0f grand American history. " Others thought Haig job. But Haig quickly won them over. His world strategist for the Administration. may have gone t00 far—perhaps even ask- arrival in Brussels coincided with a growing That function will probably be performed realization on both sides of the Atlantic by a number ofoutside advisers—quite pos- ing Gerald Ford t0 pardon Nixon if Ford became President. Ford denied the story, that European defenses had slipped badly, sibly including Kissinger himself. But it's and Haig presided over a number of catch- not likely that Haig will be overshadowed and H4ig says he didn't arrange the pardon, though he did discuss it with Ford. up projects. He also won points for the by anyone. The role 0f national-security Haig himself recalls the Watergate pe- plucky way he reacted after a group 0f adviser will be downgraded ⅲ the Reagan unidentified assailants tried tO blow h is car White House, leaving Haig as the main riod as "those horrible days. ' 1 "There is synthesizer and implementer 0f foreign pol- nobody in the White House wh0 has suf- 0 the highway eighteen months ago. fered more from walking close to Richard But while most European omcials ad- icy. If he's .successful at State, AI Haig's extraordinary in the government may Nixon than me, ' ' he told NEWSWEEK'S mired his hard-working, tough-talking Thomas M. DeFrank after the resignation. style, they were less enthusiastic about his still not have reached its high point. "There is -very little a military man has increasingly strident warnings about the ALLAN J. MAYER with THOMAS M. DeFRANK, beyond his sense 0f personal honor, and SOViet threat and his outspoken crlticism HENRY W. HUBBARD and FRED COLEMAN in my account has been drawn on. ' ' None- of Carter's handling of the SALT Ⅱ talks. Washington and bureau reports sessing the former president's chance 0f exerting significant Richard Nixon Calling influence on Reagan's foreign policy. "That won't happen in this Administration, ” said one. Nixon still considers himself very much part 0f the Re- ls Richard Nixon finally coming ⅲ仕 om the cold? For publican foreign-policy network. He lobbied long and hard most Of the past year, the former President has been cautiously for Haig ("The meanest, toughest, most ambitious s. 0. b. I knocking on the door 0f public life, granting the occasional ever knew, but he' Ⅱ be a helluva Secretary of S tate") and interview, turning up at the occasional party, hosting dinners at his New York town house and hinting that there might against former Treasury Secretary George Sh ultz, whom he be a substantive foreign-policy role ("Maybe something like considered "not tough enough" for the job. What's more, he speaks regularly with b0th Haig and former Secretary 0f State a counselor or negotiator") for him in the Reagan Admin- istration. Nixon will attend the Henry Kissinger, and he has lnauguration next month in ルⅸ 0 〃住ーカ 0 e 加ルル YO : ″加な 0 / 住 / 0 な〃ア 0 〃 role lately taken tO advising Sen. Washington, he has phoned Charles Percy of lllinois, the Michael Evans—Gamma-Liaison Reagan twice since the election incoming chairman Ofthe Sen- ate Foreign Relations Commit- to offer foreign-policy advice tee. Whether all that input will and his candidate for Secretary of State, Alexander Haig, has add up t0 anything seems doubtful, however. One Rea- been nominated for thejob. But the Reagan camp hasn't exact- gan aide maintains that Nix- ly been encouraging the idea on's role will continue tO be that Nixon will have any maJOr much the same as at present— role in White House policy- limited and "on a very prlvate making. "l wouldn't rule any- basis. " And as Reagan himself tells it, if Nixon does have any thing out," the President-eIect told NEWSWEEK last week, part t0 play in his new Ad- 。、 and I wouldn't rule anything ministration, it will be only 、、 tO in. '' PrivateIy, Reagan aides the extent that any former were a bit more blunt in as- President does. ' NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

PERISCOPE How Stockman Wi11 Cut 亡 he Budget President-elect Ronald Reagan spoke only vaguely during the campaign Of reducing "waste, fraud and in the Federal budget, but a team Of experts under the direction of David Stockman, the 34-year-old director-designate of the Offce of Management and Budget, has already targeted a sweep- ing set 0f reductions in government spending. The OMB task force plans tO deliver its recommendations tO Republican Con- gressional leaders early next month , before the lnauguration, hoping t0 line up support before the bills are presented. The pnncipal objective, one Stockman aide says, is tO "cut 0 the undeserving. '' Some 0f the proposals: ー EIiminate the fOOd stamps that are now available in many cases t0 people in no danger 0f going hungry, such as eollege students from middle-class families and well-paid construction workers undergoing seasonal layo . ・ Put a cap on the total amount spent for medicare and Medicaid payments. The main would be tO continue covermg essential medical services while curbing runaway hospital costs. ・ Drastically reduce the $ 52 billion in low-interest Federalloans extended annually tO farmers, businessmen and Other members of the middle and upper classes. ・ Cut back on Federal construction pro. 」 ects. ・ Seek revenue from services now offered free tO the wealthy : for example, an annual license fee for yachts, intended t0 defray the Coast Guard's cost Of maintaining navigational aids and pro- viding rescue service for owners Of pleasure boats. The U. S. Fi11s a Dip10macy Gap The State Department has filled a key post in the U. S. Embassy in Moscow at a time when interpretation ofSoviet policy is critical. Mark Garrison, the No. 2 diplomat at the embassy, took early retirement recently tO teach and help organize an institute for the study 0f U. S. -Soviet diplomacy at Brown University. Wash- ington has tapped Jack Matlock, its ambassador-designate tO Prague, to fill in briefly for Garrison as deputy t0 Ambassador Thomas Watson, a Carter political appointee. MatIock will stay on until Ronald Reagan's ambassador settles intO the jOb. Weighing Reagan's lmpact on B1acks The Joint Center for PoIitical Studies, a black-operated think tank in Washington, will spend about $ 500 , 0 開 to study the Reagan Administration's economic proposals and weigh their probable impact on the black community. Black leaders hope the research will enable them to talk more knowledgeably with key members of Congress and the Administration when the time comes tO consider such proposals as urban enterpnse zones, WhiCh would Offer tax incentives tO attract businesses tO れ areas, and cash vouchers to help the poor pay rent and sch001 bills. Changes in Russia's Five-Year Plan Moscow sources say that the POIish crisis prompted last-minute reVISions in the SOViet Union's latest five-year economic plan, released a few weeks ago. The rewritten version reduces the em- phasis on industrial development and calls instead for increased spending on consumer goods. The changes apparently reflect KremIin fears that consumer unrest could spread across the border from P01and into the U. S. S. R. , where slumping agricultural pro- 4 duction has caused acute shortages Of meat and dairy products. Western diplomats can't tell yet whether the Soviets really intend tO shore up the consumer economy or whether the changes in the plan are just for show. Ground es for FBI Probes Before leaving offce, Attorney General Benjamin Civiletti plans tO issue the first comprehensive guidelines for undercover ln- vestigations by the FBI. One new rule, designed t0 keep agency probes from going beyond their original goals, will require future Abscam-type pro. 」 ects tO undergo earlier and more intensive review by top-level Justice Department offcials. New Repression in Uruguay Sources in South America say that many Uruguayan dissidents and their relatives have disappeared or have been arrested since the November plebiscite in which voters rejected the rulingjunta's bid for greater power under the constitution, One Of those missing is Dr. Teresa Gomez de Voituret, a prominent neurologist and medical professor, whO was last seen being led from the Montevideo airport after returning from Argentina. She had met in Buenos Aires with members of the Service for Peace and Justice, led by N0bel peace laureate Ad01f0 Pérez Esquivel. Reagan Fans: T 0 Peo 0f Vietnam "Boat people" arnving in Thailand from Vietnam report that Ronald Reagan 's U. S. election victory pleased all ofthe Vietnamese except the small minority whO support their country's harsh Marx- ist regime. According tO the refugees, most Vietnamese 100k for- ward t0 a tough Reagan policy toward the Hanoi leadership. The Vietnamese are alSO said tO be hoping for another invasion by China. Brzezinski as Mr. Unpopularity The most unpopular member Of President Carter' s Admin- istration? Accordi11g t0 Presidential pollster Pat Caddell, the win- ner by a landslide is Zbigniew Brzezinski, the President's assistant for national-security affairs. ln a Caddell survey Of voters, Brze- zinski was given an "unfavorable" rating by 80%—worst 0f any Carter aide. One Administration offcial observed: " really shouldn't be surprised. After all, he was booed spontaneously at the convention ⅲ New York, and if he was that unpopular with Democrats, we should have realized how he was going over with the country as a whOle. '' rn of the USIA The Reagan Administration plans tO rechristen one Federal bureau with its original name: the United States lnformation Agency. lt became the lnternational Communication Agency un- der Jimmy Carter, partly because his advisers thought USIA sounded t00 much like CIA and raised suspicions abroad 0f a connection with the intelligence agency. That doesn't bOther Rea- gan's people, wh0 complain that the information agency has be- come "an apologist for America. " Aides say that Reagan will order a more aggressive and upbeat effort, starting with putting the "U. S. " back into the agency's name. B ILL ROEDER with bureau reports NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

ASIA DougIas Wetzstein Kim's death sentence tO stand, the consequences will be greater By A れ d 「・響 Nagorski than the indelible black mark the execution would leave on the 022 ⅲ 0 〃 / ′ Kim の ae 4 れ g , 尾た 0 d 0 アれ ea ′ゆれ country' s already blemished image. Relations with the Uni ted ア ea な 0 / イ e れ 0 〃 , ″に s 0 ー the ca e as 0 れ d 〃れ c ん es 〃ビル States and Japan—South Korea's chief trading partners and staun- 94e 立尸 SO ん KO 0 豆 d 砌 q ア . Click. & ″れな立 ag 豆肥 chest allies—would come under a strain that could jeopardize 襯 0 〃 ra 加ね ca ″′ 0 れ end ね 0 れ / 記楸 Click Se 硼ゆ economic recovery and damage diplomatic relationships. 尾 0 " なル〃な 0 〃 d ァ 0 ″″ c 記 / de な尹 0 襯 the 2 ⅲ 0 〃 The instability that plagued the country ⅲ the past year began 0 〃 d go 肥翔 e 厩 24 た & Click ″れ d 尾ホ die 加 the K ル 0 〃 & ″″ 2- in the sprlng with a series Of street battles between students and ′な加 g , 0 れイ襯 / ″ ro れ g 0 れ C ん″〃の 00 ル 4 〃な elec イ尾豆 d ー police. ln the opening rounds, casualties were light. The police the 翔わた立 0 襯 2 electoral college. Click Kim な厩 c 記ね laid down tear gas instead 0f bullets, and the students seemed death 0 川″″ 0 co ″ 0 〃勗 0 e 市″ 0 〃 . Click. more intent on creating dramatic tension than open warfare. Even dissident leaders urged moderation. The pleas worked. The stu- ike snapshots 仕 om a motor-driven camera, the images Of dents called 0 寵 their protests and life in SeouI seemed tO return South Korea in 1980 portray events racing at a speed diffcult to normal. Then Chun struck back. for the naked eye tO register. The first months of the year ー ln mid-May, he extended martial law throughout the nation. reflected extraordinary hope and exhilaration, a time when it He closed the universities, disbanded the National AssembIy and appeared that the country would emerge from the trauma Of ordered mass arrests. The speed and the scope Of Chun' s actions Park Chung Hee's assassination with a truly democratic system. left no doubt that his moves were planned well in advance. His But by the winter, after a series of seismic political upheavals, government immediately unveiled the sedition charges agai nst South Korea had a new dictator every bit as repressive as Park. Kim Dae Jung. Kim Jong PiI, the leader of Park's Democratic What went wrong? Republican Party, was put in jail and Kim Young Sam, the leader Just about everything. lnflation ran at a rate approaching 30 Of the opposition New Democratic Party, was placed u nder house per cent and the once-booming economy experlenced its first arrest. With that, Chun cleared the decks of all potential rivals negative growth in sixteen years. The country's normally docile for the Presidency. workers staged successive strikes that culminated in a coal miners' riot in Sabuk in which one policeman was killed and dozens onetheless , the stron gman ' s carefully choreographed crack- Of people were in. 」 ured. Students and opposition politicians, lm- down backfired in Kwangju, the capital of Kim Dae Jung's patient with the pace Of reforms Of caretaker President ChOi native province Of South ChOlla. ln an open insurrection, Kyu Hah , stepped up their pressure on the power structure without 189 people were killed according to the government tally; others first weighing the risks. Chun, who had taken control of the contended that the death toll was much higher. The violence army in December 1979 , rapidly consolidated his power and pre- started when the Black Berets, the SpeciaI Forces soldiers, were pared for the day when he would shed his uniform and assume sent in tO break up a protest on the Chonnam National University direct control. campus. They obeyed their orders with a vengeance—and the Chun's chances Of putting South Korea on a stable path in city exploded. After bloody battles with students and citizens 1981 hinge largely on the fate of Kim Dae Jung. If Chun allows who had seized arms and military vehicles in the struggle, the NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

WINNERS Kaku Kurita—Gamma-Liaison Japan's Sony 00 「 p. tripled ea ′ ni れ 95 and chairman Akio Morita became the first fO 「・ ig れ board member Of Pan Am The ge れ e 彙 ic engineering firm, Gene れ tech れ 0 ”響・ nt public and paced a WaII Street rally G ⑧冂②囿 t ② c flnco G ⑧②囿 t ② c G ②冂② t ② c 訓冗 c 。 Genentech,Inc. G ②冂②冗 t ② c 冗 c 。 over a troubled textile empire at home and the collapse Of their retail chain in the surname—and Jacob lost the first round. ln France, the Wi110t brothers presided Evelyn de Rothschild clashed in an open feud over the rightful use of their magical metal plummeted, and coffee producers, t00 , were stung by falling prrces. Jacob and brothers tOOk a spectacular spill in the silver market when prlces for the precious bad t0 worse throughout the industrialized world, but especially in Britain. The Hunt Commodities and heavy industry fared less well. Ailing steel companies went from everything from Japanese autos and electronics t0 French fighters and ltalian fashions. sales were robust, and competitors in Other countries ran up lmpressive profits for the dismal science more scientific. Exporters had something tO cheer about, t00. American University of Pennsylvania, won the N0bel Prize ・—and $ 212 , 000 ー - for making line lOOked better than ever. Klein, whO produces econometric models at the estern economies went intO a slump in 1980 , but Lawrence Klein's bottom LOSERS United States. AP 第 Despite attempts by Latin p 「 oduce 「 5 t0 h0 the れ・ with a れ・響 agency called Pan Cafe, 00 ee p ′ ic ・ 5 plummeted worldwide Camera Press 3a00b RothschiId backed dO 物れ in a 「れ ni れ 9 dispute With 00M5i れ Evelyn 0 e 「 use Of the family name in his 90-90 banking deals 48 AP し a 「 e れ c ・ R. KIein wo れ the 1980 NobeI Prize in E00 れ 0Ei05 fO 「 hiS pioneering work in ・ 00 れ omet 「 iC fO 「 ecasti れ 9 CSG ・ Optique Eu 「 op ・ ' 5 Ariane 「 00k0t p 「 09 「 am su e 「・ d delays, COSt 0 e 「「 u れ 5 and a 0 ′ u - ciallaunch failure NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 円

BOOKS THE 000MS0 TALES occupation with sexual habits 0fthe ltalian bourgeoisie and equally By PauJTheroux heavy-handed concern with the symbolic link between sexual ab- erration and political disintegration are carried t00 far. he quality 0f b00ks published in 1980 made it a memorable The year 1980 was not only memorable for fiction; it was year. The awesome list Of masters Of the writing craft whO also a year 0f outstanding biographies. Best was the biography died—Jean-PauI Sartre, Henry Miller, Jean Rhys—made ofSomerset Maugham by Ted Morgan; indeed, Burgess's "Earthly it a year 0f loss. The tone 0f many published works was unusually Powers" and Morgan' s superb book could well be read in tandem. grim. Established writers and Others less known t00k stock 0f The examination of Maugham tells all, and is revealing not only the world around them and by and large none liked what he for Maugham' s pathetic dependence on homosexual lovers but saw. There was a feeling Of doom, either over the disintegration also for its behind-the-scenes descriptions Of his lawsuits, his art Of society or the fear 0f creeping totalitarianism. Still, by any collecting and his life-style. lt is a definitive work, both as a standards, the books of 1980 were far above average. study in fame and success and as an insight intO what Maugham The outstanding work Of the year, in my opinion, was Anthony thought about himself. Burgess' s " Earthly Powers. ' ' Based Other fallen giants also received ostensibly on the life 0f a Somerset their share of fresh attention. There Maugham-like figure, it is Burgess's was the publication 0f Evelyn most ambitious work. lt was known Waugh' s letters. A lifelong egotist, he had long wanted to write a TOI- Waugh wrote tO others about himself, stoy-size novel, and this is it. "Earth- and his letters are in effect a kind ly Powers" is very funny. lt is also ofautobiography. They are less scan- full of life, full of our times and dalous than his previously published full of B urgess's feel for language— his irrepressible ear for the way real diaries, but they are funnier—pos- sibly because he wrote letters in the people really speak. Almost every fig- mornings when he was SOber and ure whO counted in the twentieth cen- wrote hiS diaries in the evenings When tury makes a cameo appearance, he was drunk. from the Rev. Jim Jones to James Equally interesting was Graham Joyce, from Havélock Ellis t0 Joseph Greene's "Ways 0f Escape. ” Much Goebbels. But none of these appear- ofit has been published before in pref- ances are contrived. "Earthly POW- aces tO his novels, but some Of those, iS alSO a reminder that Burgess, like the preface to his book of film for all his lapsed Cath01icism, is as crlticism, "The Pleasure Dome,' passionately concerned with the top- r.eached only a small audience. As ic Of religious faith as he is with music, usual, Greene is maddeningly dis- his Other love. creet about himself, but there is a "EarthIy Powers ” did not win the truly personal thread t0 the book. 1980 Booker Prize, which went to He reveals the extent of his manic WiIIiam GoIding for "Rites of Pas- depression. He recognizes that some sage. ' ' TO my mind, this was a bad 0f his lighter books, such as "Trav- decision. Golding' s story Ofa sea voy- els With My Aunt," were written age tO Australia, written in a kind in a maniC phase, while Other nov- Of pastiche, old-style narrative, is not his best book even though it is ex- els were the fruit of dark depres- 、ツ : ン sive bouts. More important, perhaps, citing. Another exciting, though dif- Greene shows hOW writing and travel ficult, book is Russell Hoban's "Rid- 日 u ′ 9 ・ ss : A 00 ・は hat is fun and full 0 if ・ were ways Of escape and hOW the ley Walker," which deals with a whole Of his life has been one long attempt tO escape boredom. group 0f people wh0 have lost all traces 0f culture. The b00k A biography that reads like a detective story, Will Wyatt's is set in the future and is written in part in an invented language, "The Man Who Was B. Traven, ” was, for me, the thriller of "ldeolect. ” The main character tells the story in half-remembered 1980. Traven, ofcourse, was the recluse who wrote "The Treasure words, misapprehending what they stand for, rather like a child of the Sierra Madre. " Wyatt traces him from his East European trying t0 write and groping for meaning. A thinking man's piece ongins as Ott0 Feiger through Western Europe tO the United 0f science fiction, "Ridley Walker' ' could well become a cult States and Mexico. He proves how Traven loved to play the book—and in the end the predicament of the culturally destroyed great imposter. Many people wh0 were thought t0 be friends Kentish tribe that Hoban writes about becomes wholly believable. or acquaintances—even the man WhO appeared on the set When A far more established writer, Sir Angus Wilson, published John Huston filmed "Sierra Madre ” and said he was Traven's his first novel in several years. "Setting The World On Fire" agent—were in fact Traven himself. Wyatt's b00k may not have is one 0f the few books 0f 1980 that is set in the present time, set everyone's pulse racing, but it did mine. but it is imbued with a sense Of dread, Of encroaching authoritarian If the best books of 1980 have anything in common, perhaps rule, and is full Of pyrotechnics. lts writing is less impressive, it is this: a wondering and a concern about the future. 、嗄 OSt though, than that 0f Bruce Chatwin's "Viceroy 0f Ouidah, ” the Of the best works have an apocalyptic flavor, but this is tempered short novel 0f African slavery, a virtual prose poem that has by their authors. They hint that so much has already happened won deserved praise in both London and New York. that is SO grim, that it is almost impossible for the worst still AIberto Moravia's "Time of Desecration" was probably the tO be in store. major Continental European novel 0f the year, though its pre- Ca 05 Freire NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 54