0 曰 N ℃ N Varindra Tarzie Vittachi A MAN NAMED KHAN met a rare man the Other day. His name is Khan and what gives him distinction is the fact that he is one "lnternational Expert" on village-development programs whO actually lives in a village. I have been in that village, a place miles from what city folk call Anywhere. There is no piped water in the village, no air conditioning, no electric fan, not even a toe-powered punkah batting the hOt breeze this way and that as was done in the days 0f the British raj. Mr. Khan's specialty is that he is a generalist. He knows how tO tie together the activities Of the I rrigation Department, the Education Department, the Health Department and the Pub- lic Works Department so that they help the people for whose benefit, presumably, such departments were established. Since he shares the life-style of the villagers and knows their 10Ca1 idiom, he has become credible. When he explains why kitchen refuse turns the rain drains outside their houses intO breeding places for the malaria mosquito, or hOW nursing mothers should—and can—have a balanced diet even if they are P00 ら The second set of "experts" came from a wider P001 of tech- nicians working for United Nations agencies. They t00 were mostly city gents bent on "transferring technology" from Europe and America t0 the developing world. The era of high dams and hydropower plants that loomed like indifferent giants over the heads of the villagers was followed by the era of overpasses and underpasses that became the new symbols 0f modern development. And still the Third World's foreign-aid debts grew while op- portunities for a tolerable life for the rural people dwindled. The people trekked t0 the cities t0 find j0bs. But the pilgrimage was t00 late; there were t00 few jObs tO go around. At the great development-planning centers—all in metropoli- tan cities Of the industrial democracles—some belated lessons were being learned. The benefits of the transfer of technical assistance and money were not trickling down tO the villages as the experts had expected. Social and economic distinctions separating the cities' elite and the country gentry from the rural poor were powerful barners against an equitable distribution and why it is better for their ba- bies to be breast-fed despite the blandishments of 、、 fashion, ' ' they believe him. One result of a11 this is that the people 0f the village have begun to be involved and to understand the development process going on around them. The buzzword for it in the operational planning cen- ters IS "community participa- tion. " Where Mr. Khan lives, that phrase iS no longer a piece Of pious humbug mouthed by professional ーれ a remote Asian village, an unusual 'lnternational Expert' keeps his feet 0 れ the 9 「 ound and SOWS the seeds Of real p 「 09 「 ess. 0f development gains. "Top down' ' development strategi es— one Of those bureaucratic phrases that means less than meets the eye or ear—、 vas found tO be in- effective because without the will- ing and active participation Of the people whose lives would be af- fected, no true social change could occur. At long last it had also become evident that if tech- nical expertise was tO be useful, it had tO be directly relevant tO the village. bureaucrats and alleged experts in made-to-measure safari j ackets, but a meaningful response tO an understood need. There are other men and women like 、嗄 r. Khan working ⅲ other villages on human-development programs, but there are still far t00 few. ln the two remaining decades of this century, many more 0f these people will be needed if the grand goals of the world community, such as "health for all by 20 開 " and "literacy for all by 2 网 ' ' are going to be more than hollow slogans. Even tO achieve the less ambitious goals Of reducing hunger and eliminating the worst aspects Of poverty, the elitist approach t0 development will have t0 change. lt t00k two decades for people t0 realize that the system that was initially established was expensive and irrelevant. lt Often served as a sinecure for colonial offcers left by the receding tide of imperialism. Often, these ex-colonials marched off toward what they called M0d- ernism. They built dams and highways and hospitals in which the doctors practiced on people when they were already sick, instead 0f preventing illness through effective health programs. The foreign experts—as well as their "local" counterparts—lived in the city and believed that what was good for urban residents was good for those wh0 lived in the villages. 56 This year's "World Development Report' ' of the World Bank enshrines these lessons. lt says that efforts tO improve people's lives must begin where the people are, that human beings are what development is all about, that the village community is the building block of national growth. That is indeed a tour de force from a body that has spent 30 years supplying money and experts tO finance top-down development programs. lt is a document that has given legitimacy tO the notion that villagers are bankable even if they cannot yet sign a check. They tell a story about the visit by Robert McNamara, the WorId Bank president, to a village in Asia. The area has been developing rapidly because now it has access tO water that can be used for irrigating the croplands. McNamara remarked t0 a farmer: "I hear you are becoming prosperous. ” The farmer replied yes, things were lmproving. "And what is your annual income asked 、åC 、 mara. ofyour business," replied the farmer and walked away. That is the most heartening human- development story I have heard in many a year. But perhaps the best thing about it is that the person whO tells the story is Robert McNamara himself. And this Asian village is the village in which Mr. Khan lives. NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 19 訂

BorreI—Sipa-BIack Star UPI T 〃 r 川 0 ″加ー S 記イ 0 ら the ル 0 ′加 eg 〃 ~ 0 co 〃 $ / 0 ア r 川 , 〃〃 0 襯房 g 〃 0 ' eag 住ル〃 g / 0 尾 ig 〃ア 0 ″ A P01icy of Resurgence drifting from criSiS tO criSiS, Reagan's ad- visers believe. American military readiness will be substantially improved, and any arms-control talks with the Russians will By Fred CoIeman, DipIomatic Correspondent be conducted from a position Of renewed strength. At a minimum, this means mam- f RonaId Reagan and Alexander Haig abroad again, but this time on a more se- I tenance Of the present . American air and lective basis than that 0f world police- have their way, U. S. foreign policy will sea superiorlty in order tO stop the Soviets man. TO be successful, resurgence requires radically change course beginning in 1981 , from projecting their military power t0 dis- the right choices—which weapons t0 build, for only the third time since World r tant parts Of the world. Accommodations Ⅱ . Phase 1 , the containment of Commu- WhiCh issues tO stress, WhiCh reglons tO defend by force, which burdens t0 shift such as trade and arms-control agreements nism, ended with the American defeat in will be firmly linked to Soviet behavior on tO allies. Reagan insiders consider fu- Vietnam. Phase 2 , the relaxation Of ten- the world stage. "I have alway been a pro- sions promised by détente, collapsed with tile any attempt by the United States t0 ponent 0f linkage," Haig says ・ the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the regain unilateral supenority over the SO- ・ Modernizing the alliance. NATO was threat to the Persian Gulf 0 ⅱ fields. Phase viets across the board. The world Reagan and Haig inherit is formed for the conditions of the 1950S , the 3 , the Reagan watershed, is intended to perceived SOViet threat tO Western Europe. dominated by these grim facts: the Soviets mark the-resurgence Of American power. already equal U. S. nuclear strength and The alliance is ill equipped to deal with As Haig put it last year: "A firm, un- the principal challenge 0f the 1980S , in- ambiguous demonstration Of renewed U. S. may surpass it, U. S. policymakers can no longer orchestrate the way European allies stability in the Persian Gulf. Reagan ad- strength and ability t0 lead is long overdue. '' V1sers believe that a consistent policy, free and Japan respond to the Soviet challenge, 、 resurgence iS a wise or even from the zigzags Of the Carter years, will and the West survives on energy supplies feasible policy remains tO be seen. But there from the politically unstable Persian Gulf, encourage the Europeans tO share more can be little doubt it will be tried, perhaps Of the military and economic burdens in under another name. Richard Allen, Rea- inconveniently located in 、 IOSCOW ' S stra- meeting the Soviet challenge beyond Eu- tegic backyard. Haig thinks such factors gan's foreign-policy adviser, prefers the rope. ThiS iS by no means certain. Euro- could converge t0 make the 1980S the most word "renalssance. " Zbigniew Brzezinski, peans like tO think they have the statesmen President Carter's national-security advis- dangerous decade since World War Ⅱ . But and Americans have the power. They are er, talks Of "revitalization. '' AII draw sup- his goals are far more modest than renewed American superiority. "Clearly the task wrong on bOth counts. Vietnam and lran port from the same sea change in American proved the limits 0f American power. And ahead in this vital decade will be the man- thinking. Reagan will be the first American there has been no European statesman since President to take omce since the Vietnam agement 0f g10bal Soviet power," the Sec- Charles de Gaulle able to move beyond retary-designate t01d the Republican con- War with a broad, bipartisan consensus for national interest toward a ViSion Of Europe vention last summer. He warned that the a more assertive foreign policy tO protect as a united political power. The time may United States cannot do the job alone. "I the country's vital interests abroad. have come for AmericanS tO question their have reminded our friends in Europe that There are, of course, very sharp limits policy 0f Europe first. America' s trade with the days are gone when they could sit on tO that mandate. Resurgence does not imply Asia is more important than its trade with the sidelines," said Haig. a return to the cold war, an all-out arms Europe. The Third World is a bigger export Many details ofthe Reagan-Haig foreign race, another try at glObal containment Of market for the United States than Europe policy haven't yet been worked out. But Communism or an automatic willingness and Japan combined. If the Europeans and the ma. 」 or priorities already are clear. They t0 intervene with force abroad. The key the -Japanese cannot agree on more equl- question bOils down t0 this: dO you send include: table burden-sharing within the alliance, in the Marines? If the Soviets try tO station ・ Reinvigorating ま he American domestic the United States has the option Of uni- economy. NO Other single step in the new nuclear missiles-in Nicaragua, the answer laterally shifting its attention tO vital areas Administration 's first tWO years could con- is probably yes. If Marxists seize power tribute more tO its ability tO influence bOth like the gulf, forcing the allies t0 d0 more there an d redistribute the land, the answer tO defend their own regions. is probably no. adversaries and allies abroad. ■ Rethinking the ル d10 East. Carter's ln short, resurgence IS something new, ・ Meeting 山 0 Soviet challenge. Engage- greatest foreign-policy success was prob- a readiness tO flex Amencan muscles ment on the world scene is less risky than NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 16 FA 旧 S

eral fronts—including an e 0 t0 hear 、し、 be sure that he wanted t0 go forward despite gan's own views and he was strongly on White House tapes from the two-month backed by former Presidents Nixon and the gauntlet that had been thrown down. ' period when Haig was chief 0f staff. "We The session was arranged by transition Ford. Reagan himself has met Haig only know how obsessed Nixon was with Wa- twice, more than a year ago in California head-hunter E. Pendleton James a fortnight tergate during this period, ' ' says another and again at the GOP convention in De- ago in James's own fourth-floor suite at Washington' s sedate Jefferson HOtel, close former Watergate prosecutor. "Whoever troit, but that was enough. "Reagan was really impressed with his mind, ' ' recalled by the Reagan headquarters. Asking the was in the major domo role was going tO hear a great deal Of strategizing about what one key aide. When former Treasury Sec- questions, besides James and Meese, were he was going t0 d0 . retary George Shultz dropped out 0f the Jim Baker and Sen. Paul Laxalt—and all They were not simply wallowing in Wa- running for State several weeks ago, Haig were impressed With the answers. “′・ e were tergate, the Democrats contended. H OW locked it up. "There was no real internal very tough and direct and he was very direct and forthcoming," said one of the partici- Haig dealt with Congress during Nixon's dissent," says an aide. Threats Of a con- final days, they argued, could indicate the firmation fight, first voiced by outgoing pants. Haig recounted the "can Of worms' ' he confronted as Nixon's last staff chief, kind of Congressional relations he will Senate Maj ority Leader R0bert Byrd, re- maintain as Secretary Of State. " de- doubled Reagan's resolution. "Byrd in ef- said the idea of Ford pardoning Nixon was not his (although he admitted raising it pend upon a flow ofinformation," said Sen. fect cemented the choice, ' ' explained a sen- John Glenn ofOhio, while Tsongas worried with Ford) and explained that he ordered ior Reagan adviser. "You just don't back about the "commander-in-chief mentality' offin the face of something like that. " wiretaps only on Kissinger's orders. AS for of a former general: "lf you're Reagan's men did their best tO smooth told to do something and you the way for Haig's nomination. Even before know it's wrong, dO you still Byrd's challenge, Meese was quietly lining do it?" Tsongas asked. "The wiretaps [ostensibly made for national-securlty purposes] are the ultimate example Of this syndrome. " Haig's crltics 引 SO wanted a more precise idea about his position on the SALT Ⅱ treaty, human rights and U. S. policy in P01and, Asia and Latin America. Tricks: Senate Republicans 馮 were not about tO let Haig's critics steal the show. The GOP maj ority on Foreign Relations, led by Charles Percy, was plan- ning tO hire its own Watergate specialist : Fred Thompson, Republican counsel t0 the Sen- ate Watergate investigation in 1973. "We could get very hard nosed if it appears that this is a witch hunt, ” said one GOP staffer. "We could complain about the witness list, convene the hearings at awkward times, use a11 the tricks. ” lt will surely take something far more damaging than what Larry Downing—NEWSWEEK is already known about Haig 〃 g 襯な ~ 催 , g れんなみ〃なん催 tO overturn hiS nomination. up support on Capit01 Hill. 。、 A good portion But there were perils for both of my time was taken up handling this, ' ' sides in the pending confron- tation. Reagan could find his Meese said. "A number Of Democrats and Tony Korody—Sygma Republicans had expressed a willingness honeymoon with Congress, in which he lying tO the press at one point about secret hopes tO focus almost exclusively on the tO check things out for us. We alSO went bombing in Camb0dia, Haig replied that nation's economic problems, abruptly tO senators on bOth sides Of the aisle whO was trying tO save american lives. ' Haig' s Senate critics are likely t0 be much shortened. The Democrats could seem SO had some problems and defused them. ' ' By hostile that they would be frozen out 0f the time 。 Byrd and Other critics began tougher in their interrogation. Of eight future consultations on foreign policy—or sounding 0 Meese had statements prais- Democrats on next year' s Foreign Rela- anything else. "The Democrats are going ing Haig from a broad array 0f Repub- tions Committee, the most hostile tO Haig's licans—including Howard Baker—and nomination are Paul Tsongas Of Massa- t0 be hard-pressed t0 be brought into the prominent Senate Democrats such as Hen- chusetts, Alan Cranston of California, Jo- picture at all if this really becomes par- tisan," said one veteran Hill staffer. Haig ry (Scoop) Jackson and Sam Nunn. seph Biden of Delaware and Paul Sarbanes is likely tO be confirmed—but the temper Questions and Answers: Meese alSO ar- of Maryland. Tsongas has already opened ranged a sesslon with Haig tO see hOW he negotiations with Watergate prosecution of the debate could tell a 10t about the future relations between Ronald Reagan would respond to the charges bound to veteran Terry Lenzner tO organize the mi- be raised in the Senate. " lt was important nority's investigation. Even if Lenzner de- and the 97th Congress. murs ("He doesn 't want tO participate in that we sit down and hear it from him DAVID M. ALPERN with GLORIA BORGER, THOMAS M. DeFRANK and ELEANOR CLIFT that in his view there was no problem,' a re-hearing Of Watergate, ' ' says one Senate in Washington, and MARTIN KASINDORF said a senior source. alSO needed tO staffer), preparations will continue on sev- in LOS Angeles NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

House and his proximity tO the nuclear trigger has stirred even While this does not guarantee that the next President will be more apprehension abroad than in liberal coteries at home. lndeed' of the Democratic persuaslon, it should give even the most de- many in Europe and Asia seem tO the arrival Of Ronald a measure Of consolation, SOlace and hope. Reagan in 、 vashington much as their ancestors must have viewed Third, this election did not mark a sudden shift to the right the arrival 0f Tamerlane at their city gates; they still credit the by the American electorate for the simple reason that the United political canard that Democrats are the party Of peace and the States, like many Of the world's Other democracies, has been drifting right for some years now. The pendulum has swung toward Republicans 0f bombs. the center for many reasons, not the least Of which has been 、 nonsense. the failure of traditional liberal policymakers to diagnose—let here will, Of course, be changes in the tone and direction alone come up with any plausible remedy for—the epidemic 0f of U. S. foreign policy. But while the President-elect may inflation ravagmg most Of the Western world's economres. yearn for a return tO that simple era Of the Pax Americana, Exit Jimmy Carter stage left. Enter Ronald Reagan stage right. Ronald Reagan did not campaign SO hard for the White House On the surface, this change in casting marks a sharp shift along order tO start crashing the diplomatic bric-a-brac the minute the United States political continuum. But what has been largely he gets there. If U. S. foreign policy 100ks somewhat different overlooked in all the talk about the commg 、、 sea change" in American politics is that while the nation as a whOle has moved after Jan. 20 , its essential threads will remain intact. America's friends—and enemres—should not now make the toward the center, SO t00 have many Of the conservatives now same mistake that the new President's opponents have made assuming power in Washington. A case ln point: in hiS acceptance throughout his political life—underestimating Ronald Reagan. speech at the Republican convention in Detroit last summer, the fiext President invoked the spirit and name Of Franklin R00- If his IQ does not reach the Carteresque stratosphere and if he sevelt, pledged his support for the economic 、、 safety net" that lacks the dash of Jack Kennedy, the next President, like Harry Truman and Gerald Ford, is a man at peace with himself. He the New DeaI put in place and said he would like to continue IS a man whO will not be consumed by the personal demons arms-limitation talks with the Russians. A generation ago any that ultimately destroyed the presidencies 0f more cunmng poli- GOP candidate for President who made a speech like that would ticians like Richard Nixon and Lyndon J0hnson. Whatever he have been locked up by the sergeants-at-arms. lacks in skills and subtleties, Ronald Reagan makes up in his ability tO communicate. The President-elect will not have tO pro- bviously, Ronald Reagan and his post-Keynesian economic claim t0 theAmerican people, 、、 I Ⅲ never lie t0 you. '' The American advisers will try tO rationalize, reorganize, trim, amend, people should be able t0 see that for themselves. update and recast much Of the welfare state created by With Ronald Reagan, what you see is what you get. And what FDR, elaborated by Lyndon Johnson and fiscally extended by the world may get is competence rather than brilliance, con- Richard Nixon. Even some of the "bring back the 1960S ' ' Demo- servative pragmatism rather than liberal moralizing, the steadiness cratic liberals would agree that such an overhaul is long overdue. ofthe featured player rather than the flair 0fthe political superstar. But no one expects that Reagan will systematically try tO dismantle The era of the actor-turned-President may not make for high the twentieth century. There may be hard times ahead for liberals drama. But after the turmoil 0f the past two decades, 」 ust plain and for Other Americans, but they won't come simply because Ron, with his 、、 aw shucks" manner and 、、 God bless America' Ronald Reagan will be sitting in the White House Rose Garden patriotism, could stage the sort 0f low-key performance that an taking tea with Nancy. This message should also be relayed over- overstimulated and underconfident America needs. seas. Judging by the anxiety waves emanating from Washington's Embassy Row, the prospect of Reagan's accession to the White For a couple Of acts at least. With RosaIynn at his side, Ca 杙 e 「 concedes defeat: A stinging, pe 「 so れ rebuke fo 「 an unpopular President 」 im Colburn—Photoreporters NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 19 制

KLD AFFA 旧 S HERN 旧 ELAND The Hunger Strike Ends fter starving himself for 53 days, Sean der, ” she said. "lt is not A McKenna was close to death. With politics. '' The protesters de- his eyesight failing and his body horribly manded special handling be- emaciated, he received the last rites of the cause they had been convicted Roman Catholic Church at his bed in Maze in special anti-terronst courts. lfthey were treated as political Prison outside Belfast. McKenna's mother was informed that the convicted lrish Re- pnsoners instead Of common publican Army terrorlst could live no more criminals, they argued, they than 24 hours unless he ended his hunger would be allowed privileges strike. Northern lreland's police, expecting such as more visitors and the McKenna's death to provoke a spasm of right tO wear their own clothes instead Of prison uniforms. violence, canceled all leaves. Scotland Yard warned Londoners 0f a possible IRA And political-prisoner treat- Christmas bombing campaign. Then, some- ment would have been a ma. 」 or what inexplicably, the 40 hunger strikers propaganda coup for the IRA, gave up. The "fast t0 the death" was over— stamping a seal 0f legitimacy and, by all appearances, Prime Minister on the organizaton. ノ・ Margaret Thatcher' s unyielding politics Memo: Three nearly simul- had produced a victory over the IRA. taneous acts appear tO have The IRA hoped to use the hunger strike broken the protest. McKenna tO get itsjailed comrades treated as political was transferred tO a civilian pnsoners, and for weeks the fast seemed hospital because he was SO tO revive the movement's declining for- near death. The European Chip Hires—Gamma-Liaison tunes. Ulster's Catholics demonstrated in ParIiament rej ected a debate the biggest numbers since the mass civil- on the hunger strike. And pro- rights rallies 0f the early 1970S. The pris- testers were handed a 30-page oners' families led large rallies, shouting memorandum from Secretary Of State for 、åost Ulster residents were relieved, and the battle cry: "Don't let them die!" Nearly Northern lreland Humphrey Atkins, who some Protestants were ebullient. "lt's tOtal 500 other republican prlsoners protested told thém that under regular prison rules, collapse and surrender for the IRA," ex- by wearing only blankets, refusing tO wash they were already allowed most of the ulted one man in BeIfast. "lt's a great vic- and smearing excrement on the walls. Only pnvileges they were starving for. Atkins tory for the British. " But in the cycle of McKenna came so close to death, but the said he had made the same point to the violence in Northern lreland, even victones protests were SO effective at capturlng pnsoners earlier this. month. This time, do not produce peace. If the IRA feels be- worldwide attention that Britain launched he said, 、 'They saw the government meant leaguered, it may resume its campaign Of a counter-propaganda campaign. Embas- what it has been saying all along, that terror. sies throughout Europe and the United it would not grant political status JOHN BRECHER with LEA DONOSKY in Belfast States distributed a color brochure describ- Faced with the choice df dying or living, CHAD ing Maze Prison as "on a par with the they chose tO live. '' Kaddafi's First best in Western Europe"—and emphasiz- The hunger strike ended so quickly that ing that the prisoners were starving and it caught the IRA by surprise. McKenna Victory in Africa living in filth by their own choice. was immediately fed intravenously, but he Thatcher would not budge in her insist- remained seriously weak. The Other hun- ence that the prisoners be treated like Oth- ger strikers ate fOOd soon after the memo For more than a week, Libyan forces er cnminals. iS murder iS mur- bombarded Chad's capital of Ndjamena. was delivered. And the 5 開 prisoners wear- ltalian-made fighter planes strafed from ing blankets may end their S な催川 0 〃イ cCa れ〃 : 川加〃 $ ″ c カ protest this week. IRA spokes- overhead, and mortar and artillery fire AP men made the best case they raked the positions ofDefense Minister His- could for the settlement, sein Habré and his rebellious Armed Forces claiming the Atkins memo of the North. Outgunned and outmanned, contained ma. 」 or concessions. Habré's army managed to destroy twenty "lt is political recognition, al- Of its enemy's 50 Soviet-made tanks in the though we don't expect the first encounter. But last week the Libyan Brits to formally say this," firepower finally proved t00 much. Before the expected infantry battle even began, said Danny Morrison, a Habré slipped into neighboring Cameroon spokesman for Sinn Fein, the political arm of the IRA. and most ofhis men retreated to their desert base at Abéché. The British insisted they had Without engaging a single soldier in di- made no concesslons, and their claims Of victory rang truer rect combat, Libya's COI. Muammar Kad- than the IRA's. lt appeared dafi had won his first major victory in Black that the Atkins memo was Africa. He had aided Chad's President largely a way t0 let the pro- Goukouni Oueddei in his struggle with testers back down while sav- Habré and had taken a small but significant ing face and McKenna's life. step toward realizing his own dream Of NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 1 8

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BOOKS THE 000MS0 TALES occupation with sexual habits 0fthe ltalian bourgeoisie and equally By PauJTheroux heavy-handed concern with the symbolic link between sexual ab- erration and political disintegration are carried t00 far. he quality 0f b00ks published in 1980 made it a memorable The year 1980 was not only memorable for fiction; it was year. The awesome list Of masters Of the writing craft whO also a year 0f outstanding biographies. Best was the biography died—Jean-PauI Sartre, Henry Miller, Jean Rhys—made ofSomerset Maugham by Ted Morgan; indeed, Burgess's "Earthly it a year 0f loss. The tone 0f many published works was unusually Powers" and Morgan' s superb book could well be read in tandem. grim. Established writers and Others less known t00k stock 0f The examination of Maugham tells all, and is revealing not only the world around them and by and large none liked what he for Maugham' s pathetic dependence on homosexual lovers but saw. There was a feeling Of doom, either over the disintegration also for its behind-the-scenes descriptions Of his lawsuits, his art Of society or the fear 0f creeping totalitarianism. Still, by any collecting and his life-style. lt is a definitive work, both as a standards, the books of 1980 were far above average. study in fame and success and as an insight intO what Maugham The outstanding work Of the year, in my opinion, was Anthony thought about himself. Burgess' s " Earthly Powers. ' ' Based Other fallen giants also received ostensibly on the life 0f a Somerset their share of fresh attention. There Maugham-like figure, it is Burgess's was the publication 0f Evelyn most ambitious work. lt was known Waugh' s letters. A lifelong egotist, he had long wanted to write a TOI- Waugh wrote tO others about himself, stoy-size novel, and this is it. "Earth- and his letters are in effect a kind ly Powers" is very funny. lt is also ofautobiography. They are less scan- full of life, full of our times and dalous than his previously published full of B urgess's feel for language— his irrepressible ear for the way real diaries, but they are funnier—pos- sibly because he wrote letters in the people really speak. Almost every fig- mornings when he was SOber and ure whO counted in the twentieth cen- wrote hiS diaries in the evenings When tury makes a cameo appearance, he was drunk. from the Rev. Jim Jones to James Equally interesting was Graham Joyce, from Havélock Ellis t0 Joseph Greene's "Ways 0f Escape. ” Much Goebbels. But none of these appear- ofit has been published before in pref- ances are contrived. "Earthly POW- aces tO his novels, but some Of those, iS alSO a reminder that Burgess, like the preface to his book of film for all his lapsed Cath01icism, is as crlticism, "The Pleasure Dome,' passionately concerned with the top- r.eached only a small audience. As ic Of religious faith as he is with music, usual, Greene is maddeningly dis- his Other love. creet about himself, but there is a "EarthIy Powers ” did not win the truly personal thread t0 the book. 1980 Booker Prize, which went to He reveals the extent of his manic WiIIiam GoIding for "Rites of Pas- depression. He recognizes that some sage. ' ' TO my mind, this was a bad 0f his lighter books, such as "Trav- decision. Golding' s story Ofa sea voy- els With My Aunt," were written age tO Australia, written in a kind in a maniC phase, while Other nov- Of pastiche, old-style narrative, is not his best book even though it is ex- els were the fruit of dark depres- 、ツ : ン sive bouts. More important, perhaps, citing. Another exciting, though dif- Greene shows hOW writing and travel ficult, book is Russell Hoban's "Rid- 日 u ′ 9 ・ ss : A 00 ・は hat is fun and full 0 if ・ were ways Of escape and hOW the ley Walker," which deals with a whole Of his life has been one long attempt tO escape boredom. group 0f people wh0 have lost all traces 0f culture. The b00k A biography that reads like a detective story, Will Wyatt's is set in the future and is written in part in an invented language, "The Man Who Was B. Traven, ” was, for me, the thriller of "ldeolect. ” The main character tells the story in half-remembered 1980. Traven, ofcourse, was the recluse who wrote "The Treasure words, misapprehending what they stand for, rather like a child of the Sierra Madre. " Wyatt traces him from his East European trying t0 write and groping for meaning. A thinking man's piece ongins as Ott0 Feiger through Western Europe tO the United 0f science fiction, "Ridley Walker' ' could well become a cult States and Mexico. He proves how Traven loved to play the book—and in the end the predicament of the culturally destroyed great imposter. Many people wh0 were thought t0 be friends Kentish tribe that Hoban writes about becomes wholly believable. or acquaintances—even the man WhO appeared on the set When A far more established writer, Sir Angus Wilson, published John Huston filmed "Sierra Madre ” and said he was Traven's his first novel in several years. "Setting The World On Fire" agent—were in fact Traven himself. Wyatt's b00k may not have is one 0f the few books 0f 1980 that is set in the present time, set everyone's pulse racing, but it did mine. but it is imbued with a sense Of dread, Of encroaching authoritarian If the best books of 1980 have anything in common, perhaps rule, and is full Of pyrotechnics. lts writing is less impressive, it is this: a wondering and a concern about the future. 、嗄 OSt though, than that 0f Bruce Chatwin's "Viceroy 0f Ouidah, ” the Of the best works have an apocalyptic flavor, but this is tempered short novel 0f African slavery, a virtual prose poem that has by their authors. They hint that so much has already happened won deserved praise in both London and New York. that is SO grim, that it is almost impossible for the worst still AIberto Moravia's "Time of Desecration" was probably the tO be in store. major Continental European novel 0f the year, though its pre- Ca 05 Freire NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 54

THE SOVIET BLOC By WiIIiam E. Schmidt ech Walesa hardly seemed like a man to make a revolution. He is unassuming, unimposing and, until he tOOk control of Poland's labor movement, he was also unemployed. But ⅲ 1980 , Walesa led a workers' revolt against the Polish Gov- ernment—and its Soviet overlords—that shook the world. He forced an Eastern-bloc government tO recognize a free labor union for the first time ever, and he wrote a charter for that union that did not pay obeisance tO the Communist Party. His message was simple and he said it over and over again during the workers' struggle: "l want democracy. WaIesa's trlumph was electrifying largely because the odds against him were SO long. Yet in his victory lurked the specter of defeat. Even in August, during the first strikes ⅲ the Gdansk shipyards, the threat Of a SOViet invasion loomed as a sobering counterpoint t0 the exhilarating upnsing 0f the P01ish working class. The workers made history, but they evoked history, t00 : Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968 were painful re- minders that expenments in freedom could be crushed by Soviet tanks. As the year drew tO a close, the lingenng question remained unanswered: how far would the workers be permitted t0 go before the Kremlin decided enough was enough? No one doubted that the Soviets would move on Poland if they felt the country was slipping from their grasp. Yet even as Russian troops massed at the border, KremIin offlcials said they hoped the P01ish Government could solve its own problems. "We do not want to interfere in the Polish situation or harp on its negative aspects," said Vadim Zagladin Ofthe SOViet Commu- Striking 00a ー miners in SiIesia: HO 響 far 響 0 ー the 響 0 「 ke 「 5 be nist Party's foreign department. With 80 , 网 troops in Afghan- istan and another half million along the Chinese border, attacking Yet the erosion of Communist control in Poland—and the possible evolution Ofa more nationalistic, pluralistic state would Poland would be a costly and awkward undertaking for Moscow. And the United States and its allies were quick to issue harsh be an unacceptable challenge t0 the SOViet Union. TO SOViet mili- tary planners, P01and is the linchpin 0f the Eastern-bloc defense warnings. President Jimmy Carter said that ・ "the future policies Of the United States toward the Soviet Union would be directly network, a strategic link between the western edge Of the SOViet and adversely affected by any use of Soviet force in P01and. ' Union and frontline units in East Germany. SOViet concerns about Although Carter' s tough warnings tO the Soviets over Afghanistan the geopolitical and strategic stakes 0f losing con trol 0f P01and had softened when Western allies failed to respond, this time were apparent in a recent Tass commentary: it warned that a he had the full cooperation 0f NATO leaders. "Afghanistan is nationwide rail strike in P01and would cripple the link between one thing, " said a government omcial in Bonn. "This is Europe. Moscow and East Germany—and pose a direct threat tO POIish Moscow has already resorted tO nonmilitary strategies in an security. attempt tO correct POlish waywardness. Communist Party leader Edward Gierek was replaced by Stanislaw Kania, who reshumed iberalization in Poland poses more than a military threat, the PoIitburo and enlisted the support of hard-liner Gen. Miec- however: Soviet leaders fear that Poland will become 4 zyslaw Moczar as the party's enforcer. "Moscow put the POIes model for Other Eastern-bIoc nations beset by the economlc on probation," said one European diplomat. "While it may have problems and food shortages that triggered the P01ish strikes. ruled out armed intervention for a while, this may be the necessary The KremIin leadership is also worried about unrest from within. first step tO eventual intervention. ' ' The second step, some analysts SOViet industrial workers, like their POlish counterparts, face severe suggested, could be an invasion in the guise Of Warsaw Pact shortages 0f meat and dairy products, and party boss Leonid maneuvers, designed tO put the Western allies 0 the track and Brezhnev has lately taken to reassuring the public that the gov- head 0 the diplomatic and economic sanctions the West has ernment is working t0 solve the problem. 、、 Can we take for granted been threatening. Other analysts contended that Moscow would any longer the fear and long-suffering patience 0f the Soviet peo- continue t0 keep its distance, negligible though it might be, as ple?' ' wondered one diplomat. Another concern is that the up- long as the P01es did not take an overtly anti-Soviet line. "One heaval in P01and, coming on top 0f an lslamic rebellion in Af- Of the critical differences between the situation in Poland and ghanistan, could create problems in the SOViet Union's ethnic Czechoslovakia, ' ' a diplomat told NEWSWEEK, "is that so far republics. Lithuania, which shares a border with P01and and no one has attacked the Soviet Union, or the basic nature of is largely Cath01ic, is a special worry. Soviet fears 0f a sympathetic Soviet-Polish ties. ' Lithuanian reaction tO the events in POland may explain why NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 28

PhOtOS by Lester Sloan—NEWSWEEK / ーん 0 川・〃な c Ⅳ ~ ″ん 0 肥ん 0 た知 e 耘 0 ルれ co 〃〃ルんん ' 尾 seeing 0 〃 0 0 な〃〃 ~ り get 住ー川 Soviet Union where there are no human A TaIk With ona Reagan rights at all? There's been quite a bit of that one-sidedness in all of this. / ーんな c c ル / な ades ん 0 川 0 立 e ん Q. S ん 0 〃 co Ⅲ , 催 0 - 、 Mhat I think they are ignortng is the 火 0 れ記 a 火 ga れ挈 e 厩川 0 尾 0 れ 0 〃カ 04 ′ fact that in the name Of human rights ーⅣれ Ge 〃催記″ g 住〃イ ~ 尾イ e 厩ル社 0 〃 d な c 豆れ g んなん co 川加 g 豆イ e 〃 q ア み加 e イ 0 ′ the Se 〃住 ? we have found ourselves at times [inter- ル″ん NEWSWEEK CO ′′ e 20 〃 de れな James A. I don't think it's needed ... to clear vening] in a CiVil dispute in a smaller の 0 ァ Ma 加 K 加 0 れ d GeraId C. the air. I think the whole thing about country, ending up with a totally totali- ん 4 わ劭 0 ル . Ex 化挈な . ・ Watergate should have been laid to rest tarian government taking over. And the when Mr. Jaworski, the special prosecu- people end up with less human rights NEWSWEEK: Do 0 〃 ex, e ア ro みん襯 tor, went on the air the other night than they had before ... The classic ex- and he without qualification gave Haig ample is Cuba. Sure, Batista was more REAGAN: I expect him to be con- a clean bill of health. autocratic than we believe in. And there firmed . . I heard one Democratic sen- were things being done t0 the people that ator [Alan Cranston of California] who's 0. SO e ) 0 〃′イんの加 g we did not think were right. But, good been quite vocal about his criticism saying 0 み 0 ″ーイ ec ′ 0 〃 g 住〃“ eco 〃 0 川一 C emergen- Lord, I don't know of any Cuban who on the air the Other night, "I may vote wouldn't say today that what he had was for him. ” heaven compared tO what Castro has giv- en them. There wouldn't have been a going 知イ 0 ? 0. の 4 催んので“ co 〃イ 0 〃 g んな A. I don't know. ln no way [has anyone Castro had we not interfered. been] talking about such draséic actions A. No. The media were naming Haig as the ones you've mentioned. I don't Q. ルん住ー 2 み 0 〃ー the ー r 住〃ⅵ 0 〃″ $ e グ .2 before I had made a final decision . know Of any specific actions that a Presi- éop ん住加 g Go 0 お火 eaga 〃 ln all fairness, I really had to give ev- dent today could take of that kind, and pro 襯なにイんにル 0 〃 cut にみ〃イ k 4 〃イ eryone on [my]list a fair 100k. And this I have none in mind. The only thing that e the み〃〃 cra イ ow れの記加 ea イ iS What was going on . ん e got なん〃 ge, みん住イ 2 尾々 el c . SO there was has tO be considered is : would it have no untoward delay at all. any value t0 actually focus the people's 0 r e ′ e. attention and the government' s attention A. A large majority of those people Q. おッ石〃 g 0 れな〃 0 川加住″ 0 〃ア g ん一 on the need for action? If there is any are volunteers. And what dO you say tO danger, it is whether it would have an someone WhO comes ln very sincerely and ″な住ー ca 加に effect of lowering the people's spirits . wants to be of help? A. Yes, but what would I expend if a kind of give-up-itis. Or could you say I caved in? I am convinced that General tO them, 100k , we want you tO know really Q. お〃ー 04 〃〃加 g 0 r み〃イ . Haig is the man we need in that position why some drastic actions are needed? A. Yes. But remember that the budget . I have gone very deeply into his back- is unchanged from what it was four years ground, his familiarity with foreign af- 0. ルん ) 0 〃 r 尾平 0 〃加 the みなん 02 $ ago, with no allowance made for inflation. fairs . . I think [the nomination] sends れイ 0 ′ ro 襯加 e 〃ー c 襯例ルん 0 な - a message Of hope tO our allies. 0 ん〃 g $ 川Ⅷー石れ g 0 〃ね平 ea 々 Q. ″ 0 ル尾 0 〃 0 〃ゼれ g ) 0 〃〃川 e 0. Even 04 ル i 〃 , 0 尾〃 ) 0 ″ raising A.... I believe in human rights A. Well, I wired the Christmas tree; the カ 0 んル可 erga な $ 〃 e 住 ga 加 ? But l've wondered, when that group talks we still have tO decorate it ... But, no, A. No, I don't think they can make about human rights, dO they mean uni- l've been busy. The whole business of that stick ... [Haig's critics] will have versally? Or is this, again, one Of those Cabinet selection and so forth goes on tO 100k tO their own conscience as tO protests that ... we should pick on some with me here ... 、åost Of it is phone whether they're not playing politics, [see- little country which admittedly does not work or personal visits and staff meetings ing in the Haig nomination] an oppor- live up tO our ideal Of human rights that are held here. Then there is an awful [while] not including countries like the tunity tO get at me . 10t of reading to be done . NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

TERROR Searchers comb the 「 i05 Of BO ー 09 れ a ' 5 train 5 a 00 fO 「 bodies: The worst extremist blOOd bath in recent ltalian history Ansa 第 3 皞第 Monty Roberts Sabotage at SasoIburg: A stu れれ i れ 9 strike at apartheid Near-victim Bakhtiar: Open season on exiles? 34 UPI omb blasts and bullets reverberated around the world month in and month out. As hundreds of ltalian vacationers filled Bologna's mam railroad station, an explosion laid ruin t0 the building and killed 85 people. This time it was not ltaly's left-wing Red Brigades wh0 caused the carnage, but neo-Fascists. Opponents 0fSouth Africa's white supremacist policies used limpet mines tO blOW apart eight fuel tanks at the country's top-secret coal - t0-0i1 conversion plant at Sasolburg. The plant is virtually a symbol 0f national self-reliance for the oil-embargoed nation, and the attack was the first successful sabotage operation in South Africa' s history. ln France, a MusIim hit squad narrowly missed shooting its way into the Neuilly home 0f lranian exile leader Shahpur Bakh- tiar, the late Shah's last Prime Minister. Three days later an assassin fired a single shot from a 7.65- mm Beretta pistol, killing former Syrian Prime Minister Salah Eddin al Bitar. And on lsrael's occupied West Bank, bombs planted by Jewish extremists maimed two Palestinian mayors, wounded seven Arab shoppers and blinded an lsraeli policeman. Prime Minister Menachem Begin imme- diately branded the terrorist attacks as "cnmes Of the gravest type. " But a zealous Zionist declared: "The time has come for Arabs to be afraid t00. ' Benami Neuman—Gamma-Liai son NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 Maimed NabIus 盟 ayo 「 Bassam al Shakaa: 「 ae 彙・ 0 ′