GIVING PEACE A CHANCE states have been able tO dO. 、、 lt is a refreshing change tO work By HO e 「 3e05e0 with a government that is not 」 ust seeking handouts but actively striving for self-reliance," said one U. N. offcial. s the Union Jack came down on Rhodesia and a new, The country has repaired war-damaged roads, clinics and multi-colored flag rose over Zimbabwe last April, Africa schools. There are now 235 000 more black children attending celebrated the birth Of its newest black nation. lt was a schools than there were at independence. Mugabe has instituted country born of high hopes and heavy bloodshed. More than a mlnrmum wage—S65 a month for domestic and agricultural 25 000 people died in Zimbabwe's seven-year guerrilla war, and workers, $ 140 for industrial workers—which, in some cases, dou- itS first election campalgn was as memorable for itS violence as bled their income. Although white emigration has accelerated for its voting. But by the time a white 」 udge administered the smce Mugabe t00k over—more than 2 , 000 are leaving every oath Of offlce tO Prime Minister RObert Mugabe, many whites month—most departures appear tO be blue-collar workers and seemed prepared tO give Mugabe—and peace—a chance. After eight months in offlce, the former guerrilla leader can low-grade civil servants wh0 would have been replaced by blacks anyway. Skilled professionals, manufacturers and the nation 、 s claim a qualified success. Against all the odds, he has held Zim- farmers have been persuaded tO stay, either because they have babwe together. lt has not been easy. Mugabe's coalition with been pleasantly surprised by Mugabe's policies, or because they Home Minister Joshua Nkomo is shakier than ever. Tribal ani- can't take their money with them. mosities are inflamed, and the tWO guerrilla arnues sometimes Economically, Zimbabwe has been remarkably resilient. Third- seem unaware that the war IS over. The members Of Mugabe's quarter estimates suggest real growth Of at least 6 per cent this own Cabinet have undermined his attempts at reconciliation with year—the strongest since the first quarter 0f 1974. Manufacturing Zimbabwe's whites, and one has even committed—and gotten output hasincreased 14 percent sinceindependence, mming output away with—murder. Manpower Minister Edgar Tekere, wh0 ad- by 50 per cent and agriculture is d0ing better than expected. mitted killing a white farmer last August, went free through Even the balance ofpayments is strong by Third World standards: a legal loophole originally designed t0 protect the white-minority the country has a forecast deficit ofonly $ 140 million. reglme. Mugabe's political opponents complain that he is more con- or all its successes, many Of Zimbabwe's toughest problems cerned with maintaining the white-controlled economy than with remain. A 6 per cent growth rate will create only 50,00() transforming Zimbabwe intO a socialist nation. Although the to 60 , 000 additional 」 obs annually, while Zimbabwe has strength 0f the rival forces IS such that an open dispute could 150 , 000 employable youths commg on the market every year. lead tO civil war, Mugabe has so far performed an amazing high- W1re act. He has balanced black expectations with white interests, OnIy 1 million of the country's 7.2 million blacks are employed in the cash economy, and those whO expected overnight change and his Marxist ideals with the realities ofthe marketplace. One Of the government's most notable achievements involves when Mugabe came tO power are growing angry. Land is a particularly sensltlve lssue. Mugabe inherited a nat1011 the 1 million people displaced by the war. With help from the Off1ce of the United Nations High Comm1ss10ner for Refugees where 5 , 500 white farmers owned 14.8 million hectares of the best arable land. Five million Africans crowded ontO the rest ・ー- and a highly effcient civil service, Zimbabwe has begun rein- tegrating them int0 the economy—something few black African 16.3 million hectares of substandard soil in the tribaltrustlands. SaIisbury b ね 0k5 celebrate independence: 00u 馗 Terry Fincher—・ PhOtographers lnternational Mugabe sa 0 「 s his e 厄 ctiO れⅵ 0t0 「 y : A れ 9- 「 u れれ i れ 9 high-wire act NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 、い ) 3 8

EUROPE DETENTE'S DARK DAYS By S00 靆 SuIIivan n Western Europe, détente came under greater strain in 1980 than ever before. With SOViet soldiers encamped in Afghani- stan, and Warsaw Pact troops massed on Poland's borders, European leaders had t0 face up t0 the fact that the nature 0f Soviet imperialism had not changed. lt was a painful admission— not least because East-West tensions endangered profitable eco- nomic ties. But even France and West Germany, which had insisted for months that dialogue with the SOViet Union must be maintained at all costs, acknowledged that the threat t0 P01and had hammered home the message 0f Afghanistan. Everywhere, advocates 0f dé- tente at any prrce were on the defensive. The new mood became clear at NATO's annual meeting in December. Both France and West Germany backed U. S. calls for quick, tough Western responses tO any SOViet move in POland. AII the NATO leaders even those who j ealously maintain the distinction between NATO as a military alliance and the European Economic Community as an economic forum—agreed tO coordi- nate economic reprisals through the alliance. "Our public opinion simply would not understand if this time we failed tO react on the economic front," said one NATO Foreign Minister. The Polish situation is the main reason for Europe's get-tough attitude, but not the only one. At the Conference on European Security and Cooperation in Madrid, the Soviets openly showed their contempt for Western concerns over human rights. Despite worldwide protests, they exiled physicist Andrei Sakharov and jailed several other dissidents. N0t a single soldier has been with- d rawn from Afghanistan, and the Russians have rebuffed every European effort tO negotiate a solution there. By November, French Foreign MinisterJean Frangois-Poncet was ready tO banish détente from his vocabulary. "Since Afghanistan," he said, "l れ 0 longer much like the word 'détente. ' I no longer feel it describes the over-all relations we have with the Eastern countries. ” lt was a startling admission for any French minister tO make especially since détente began with Charles de Gaulle in the 1960S. But it was indicative Of the turmoil that has beset European leaders in the past year, the sharpness Of their frustrations and the shift in their thinking. American critics Of European attitudes are inclined tO be cynical about such shifts. They point out that while French President VaIéry Giscard d'Estaing and West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt described the Afghan invasion as "unacceptable," they continued tO dO business as usual with the Russians. ln a midyear interview, former U. S. Secretary Of State Henry Kissinger said that "certain Europeans have developed a new concept Of the division 0f labor in which they 100k after détente while the United States attends t0 defending the st. " As late as mid-December, French and West German banks were extending credit tO the Soviet Union for a $ 14 billion gas-pipeline pro. 」 ect that would increase European dependence on Russian-supplied energy through the 1990S. ut Europe was also sending signals Of another kind. France increased its defense budget beyond NATO requirements and cooperated with Britain and the United States in es- tablishing a naval force in the lndian Ocean. Britain, West Ger- many and ltaly have chosen sites for the installation Ofnew theater nuclear missiles t0 counter the Soviet buildup 0f SS-20 missiles. Giscard and Schmidt still must contend with important elements NATO t 「 00P5 0 れ ma れ・ u ・′ in West Germany: す h ・ shO 杙・「 m p 「 05P ・ ct was fO 「 a 5 0n9 ・「 AtIantic a a れ 0 ・ 32 Jacob Sutton—Gamma-Liaison NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

at home that would rather be Red than dead, but in the heat of the Pol- ish crisis bOth men gave Washington strong signals Of their resolve. "Gis- card continues tO talk a soft game tO the Russians, but it's for internal consumption," said one U. S. diplo- mat. "He makes it very clear tO the White House that he can be trusted in an emergency. And he believes the emergency is at hand. ' There is no guarantee that Western Europe's hard line will not turn soft even if the Polish crisis is resolved peacefully. The Common Market has poured billions ofdollars into extend- ing credit and building up trade links with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, an investment that stems, in part, from a conviction that trade can help t0 break down political and ideological barriers. And there has also been a ma. 」 or psychological in- vestment, especially by West Ger- many, in the belief that Europe can build bridges between the superpow- ers that will diminish the threat of Richard Melloul—Sygma war. Those hopes will not be aban- Giscard and Schmidt: 'Europe and the United states have different interests' doned lightly. The conviction that détente was failing became apparent at year in Atlantic relations. ln the spring, NATO offcials described different stages to Europe's leaders. British Prime Minister Mar- the alliance as being in its worst crisis in a quarter Of a century. garet Thatcher and then ltalian Prime Minister Francesco Cossiga But beneath the tensions, new patterns were emerging. Europeans condemned the Soviet's Afghan adventure from the start, and regarded the election 0f Ronald Reagan in the United States quickly fell in step with U. S. policy. But Giscard and Schmidt as a sign 0f America's desire for firm leadership. ln France, tried for months tO maintain their special links with the Soviet Gaullists—and even Socialists—began to attack Giscard for hob- Union. After assuring Western diplomats that France would ob- nobbing with Brezhnev. ln Germany, the opposition Christian serve the U. S. boycott on sales of grain and high technology, Democrats were beating Schmidt with an anti-détente stick. And French businessmen continued to make highly profitable deals while Thatcher continued to come under widespread attack for with Moscow. At the same time, shipments of EEC cereals some- her economic policies, her opposition tO SOViet adventu rrsm re- how found their way tO Russian granaries. ln May, Giscard himself mained as popular as ever. flew tO Warsaw for an unannounced—and totally fruitless—dis- cussion with Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev. ne result Of Europe's newly raised consclousness may be Schmidt's efforts t0 keep his Ostp01itik alive worried Wash- a loosening Of the strong Franco-German connection. NOW ington even more than Giscard's Gallic histrionics. Schmidt went that Reagan is t0 be in charge in Washington, Bonn and along with the U. S. boycott 0f the Moscow Olympics, but he Paris are likely to look increasingly—if never publicly—to the was alSO the first Western leader tO go tO Moscow after the United States. As a disgruntled omcial 0f West Germany's ruling Afghan invasion, bringing home some SOViet concessions on future Social Democrats said earlier this month, "Giscard has left us arms talks. Under pressure from the détente-oriented wing Of in the lurch. He has given up on détente, partly for electoral his Social Democratic Party—which still dreams of unifying Ger- reasons. And that allows us no alternative but closer ties to the many—he continued t0 bang the drum for détente. U. S. ” Schmidt, in fact, began turning to Washington within days of Reagan's election, and he became the first foreign leader to he French and German actions were far meet with the President-elect. lt is, Of course, t00 early tO predict a renaissance Of NATO. in a European context than they sometimes appeared in Washington. The Afghan invasion caught the whole of the But the short-term prospect is for strengthened solidarity. Even West by surprise. lt also came at a time when European leaders before the Polish crisis, Paris, London and Bonn were leaning were profoundly concerned about Jimmy Carter's ability t0 gve toward bigger defense budgets, although the economic recession direction t0 the Western Alliance. The widespread image 0f the has already forced some countries—notably West Germany— United S tates in the early months ofthe year was that ofa rudderless tO renege on promises tO increase defense spending by 3 per cent republic with a naive and indecisive captain at the helm. Moreover, annually. Within NATO, the Europeans have also agreed t0 take Schmidt and Giscard sincerely believed that Carter overreacted up some 0f the slack caused by U. S. deployment in the lndian tO the invasion. And they had serious reservations about the Ocean and the Persian GuIf.. That does not mean that Western effectiveness Of economic boycotts. As French political scientist Europe will suddenly turn bellicose; the conviction remains that Pierre Lellouche put it : "Europe and the United States have dif- in the long run , reasonable accommodation with the East is ⅲ ferent interests in a number Of parts Of the world. ln the Persian Europe's best interest. Nevertheless, an important psycholoycal GuIf, for example, the stakes are higher for us—something that change has taken place. The world, most Europeans have decided, Washington cannot seem tO understand. is far t00 perilous for the West to rely exclusively on a doctrine Such widely divergent interests made for a tense and acerbic 0f détente that has not changed since the ' 6 . 33 NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

Maggie Steber—Sipa-BIack Star 0 「 ban po ・杙 y in Haiti: す h ・ WO Bank and 彙 h ・ IMF bOth promised tO be mo 「・ 90 れ・′ 0 5 with す h ⅳ WorId ー oa れ 5 must provide long-term loans with less ngorous conditions tO give countries more time tO adjust. Commercial bankers have become much more involved With the more dynamic Third World countries, such as Brazil and South Korea, since they began lending them large sums in the early 1970S. Now, however, they are more apprehensive about their credit-worthiness in the face 0f higher 0 ⅱ prices. ln 1980 , they began looking t0 the IMF as either their guarantor or their debt-collector. Western bankers were ambivalent about clos- er links with the offlcial institutions, and some Of them feared that if they got guarantees they would also get interference. One banker commented: "Our policy is 'help, but hands 0 . The chief advocate of closer links with the IMF was (). W. ) Tom CIausen, president of the Bank of America. And in October, Clausen was nominated tO succeed McNamara as president Of the World Bank. One ofthe ma 」 or issues facing Clausen will be the determination Of the wealthy oil-producing states tO increase their voting power in both the World Bank and the IMF before they take a more active part in Third World development. TO that end, the Arab countries devoted much Of their attention during the year tO beefing up their presence in the tWO institutions. y the end 0f the year, the North-South deadlock, if not broken, was at least more confused. 市ⅱ e the ideologues of free enterpnse, such as Thatcher or Milton Friedman, insisted on the sanctity Of the international capital market, many bankers were not sure hOW sanctified they wished it tO be. Third ′ orld militants still insisted on drastic restructuring to achieve their "new international economic order, " but many Of them looked t0 Western investment and bank loans for help. StiII, the Third WorId's prospects for the 1980S remain full of uncertainty. The extension of both lending and aid depends NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981 critically on East-West relations and the cost Of the arms race. ln cynical terms, greater arms spending by bOth sides could stim- ulate economic activity and push up the pnce Of some Third WorId commodities—perhaps providing a new boom for several countnes, particularly in Latin America. But it would cut back the surplus funds available for international lending and aid not linked to military 0bj ectives, causing new hardships for Third WorId countries that produce purely peaceful commodities, or simply struggle t0 survive. any Third WorId leaders enter 1981 with renewed fears in the political arena as well. They worry that preoc- cupation with the Communist threat and the rhetoric of a new confrontation could lead the West back to crude cold- war simplifications, particularly the assumption that the whOle world must be classified as either pro-Communist or anti.Com/ munist. Past turnabouts in Asia and Africa, they note, have shown the dangers Ofthis assumption. Many newly independent countnes once lOOked tO the SOViet Union tO provide arms for their wars of liberation, only t0 become disillusioned by the inability of the Soviets tO provide the peaceful equipment they desperately needed later for development. Even among those Third World states which apparently had been moving closer tO Moscow, the SOViet invasion Of Afghanistan provoked protests and concern. The I ran-lraq war also has raised senous questions about which side is the least unfriendly tO Western interests. The events 0f 1980 showed the danger 0f generalizing about the line-up between the Third World and the Soviet Union. ln the months ahead, the challenge for both the West and the Third World will be to resume their dialogue with a heightened sense 0f urgency fostered during the last dangerous year. NEWSWEEK INTERNATIONAL CO れル″″れ g ed ″ 0 ′ / 〃 0 れア Sa 襯 2 $ 0 〃 0 ん 0 d the 召 ra れ市 CO 襯な豆 0 〃′ 0 な

NOW , AND 日 c 肥 WANT 和 \ AWWAY? 4 D ! W 〒 7 Powell ◎ 1980 Raleigh News and Observer A B10 虹 e Transition ga ″ ' $ 住に襯 $ 〃 era みんみ〃尾住〃 cra ″ c イな ea ″ん 0 知 c ″ t is known formally as the Offce 0f the I President-elect, and its staff fills nine floors 0f a 、 downtown Washington building. lts telephone book, updated every week, lists nearly 600 names, but the full crew is more than twice as large—and still grow- ing. Their memorandums and reports f100d headquarters in a sea 0f paper, and the photocopying bill alone will exceed $ 50 , 网 . For an advance party whose mis- sion was merely tO scout the sprawling Fed- eral establishment, Ronald Reagan's transi- tion team seems dangerously vulnerable tO the disease it hopes most tO cure : bureau- cratic bloat. "This government is supposed tO be lean and trim, ' ' groused one Re- publican congressman, "but this transition looks like something created by HEW. ' The Reagan transition, in fact, is both behind schedule and over its budget—the hallmark shortcomings of the government it aims to reform. With new names leaked almost daily, its Cabinet-selection process seems likely t0 run a full month beyond the original target date. Transition 0 用 - cials, who say the budget hasn't been changed since 1976 , concede they have al- ready spent the $ 2 million allocated by Congress. Their fund raisers are canvass- ing Republican loyalists for donations tO cover the deficit, and the Carter Admin- istration is barely muffng its laughter. "They're going through the same thing we did—just on a grander scale," one White House aide said last week. He was right: Carter had made do with only 350 transition staffers and returned $ 38 , 网 tO the Treasury. Reagan's team faces other embarrassments as well—a series Of brush- fire disputes over policy pronouncements by impatient transitioners and a contro- versy over the appointment Of an OhiO Teamsters umon omcial tO an interim ad- visory panel. The wh01e process, said a disappointed veteran 0f the Nixon Admin- istration, seems "somewhat awkward and overblown. ' The problem, ⅲ large part, is that the Reagan forces are trying tO conduct an ex- haustive survey Of the executive branch, and they are using mainly neophytes. MOSt of the fact-finding, as transition chief Ed Meese prefers to call it, is conducted by more than 1 网 volunteers. Some of the jobs have been awarded tO Reagan support- ers WhO have no apparent expertise; anti- feminist Phyllis Schlafly, for one, was list- ed as an adviser on foreign policy. Ranking fact finders are supplied with an "Execu- tive omce setup"—a brown paper bag con- taining a yellow pad, a staple remover, four ballpoint pens, four pencils and a supply 0f paperclips—、 vith which they proceed t0 produce mountains Of paperwork. Tran- sition teams file three separate reports on each FederaI agency, detailing its pro- grams, personnel and their recommenda- tions for change—a volume Of data that one Carter Administration skeptic termed 'wasted motion. ' ' "Every Cabinet Secre- tary always starts from scratch, ' ' he said. "The real transition is the first six months. ” The influx of volunteers inevitably cre- ated problems 0f its own—most 0f all, a series Of inflammatory comments from the transition team' S eager conservatives. One anonymous aide leaked a list Of "social re- formers ” who he said should be removed し S. AFFA 旧 S from sensitive diplomatic posts. The list included Robert White, U. S. ambassador to EI SaIvador, and White quickly accused the transition team Of "malice and stupid- ity" for undermining his authority (NEWS- WEEK, Dec. 22 ). And Robert Neumann, chief Of the transition team for the State Department, publicly predicted that Rea- gan would pursue an "avowedly nation- alistic" foreign policy that would avoid "ab- stractions" like Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights. Neumann's remarks set 0 a minor uproar, and transition spokes- man James Brady said Neumann spoke only for himself.. "Our problem is that we have 1 , 5 開 people who can't resist the temp- tation tO expound on policy, ” sighed a sen- ior hand. "They speak without status, and they're not entirely accurate. B ut for six weeks they can pass themselves 0 as aides t0 Ronald Reagan. ' Saying No: There are domestic-policy disputes as well. Carter' s director Of the omce •of Management and Budget, James McIntyre, turned down a request from his successor, Rep. David Stockman 0f Michi- gan, for an early 100k at the 1982 Federal budget. "We can't be making our decisions with them looking over our shoulders and leaking stuff on why it was the wrong thing to do," an aide complained. carol Tucker Foreman, an Assistant Agriculture Secre- tary, similarly denied a transition-team member's request for files on her depart- ment' s legal strategy tO toughen regulations on cured pork products. Her reason : the transition volunteer, C. Donald Van Houweling, is a professional lobbyist for the National Pork Producers Council. Van Houweling denied conflict of interest, but Foreman was critical nonetheless. "They shouldn't send a person whO has such a stake in what is done here, ” she complained. The ten-week transition per10d, Foreman said, "creates a terrible hiatus' ' durlng which government employees "aren't sure what tO dO or whom tO listen to. ” Her complaint cut far deeper than a lame duck's lament, and Other criticsjoined in. Harvard Prof. Laurence E. Lynn Jr. , a former offlcial in the Nixon Administration, attacked the Reagan transition team' S "overcookedb' ap- proach tO public management. "Does get- ting the government 0 the backs 0f the American people begin with a bloated tran- whose most visible achievement sition . is a budget deficit?" Lynn asked. Another political scientist, Robert Wesson, suggest- ed that the nation would be better served if the interregnum were cut tO a bare ten days, forcing Presidential candidates tO re- cruit a "shadow Cabinet ” before the elec- tion. The message for Ronald Reagan was that his overture had gone flat—and the question for the nation was whether that discordant beginning would sour his Ad- ministration-to-be. TOM MORGANTHAU with ELEANOR CLIFT and THOMAS M. DeFRANK in Washington NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

ASIA DougIas Wetzstein Kim's death sentence tO stand, the consequences will be greater By A れ d 「・響 Nagorski than the indelible black mark the execution would leave on the 022 ⅲ 0 〃 / ′ Kim の ae 4 れ g , 尾た 0 d 0 アれ ea ′ゆれ country' s already blemished image. Relations with the Uni ted ア ea な 0 / イ e れ 0 〃 , ″に s 0 ー the ca e as 0 れ d 〃れ c ん es 〃ビル States and Japan—South Korea's chief trading partners and staun- 94e 立尸 SO ん KO 0 豆 d 砌 q ア . Click. & ″れな立 ag 豆肥 chest allies—would come under a strain that could jeopardize 襯 0 〃 ra 加ね ca ″′ 0 れ end ね 0 れ / 記楸 Click Se 硼ゆ economic recovery and damage diplomatic relationships. 尾 0 " なル〃な 0 〃 d ァ 0 ″″ c 記 / de な尹 0 襯 the 2 ⅲ 0 〃 The instability that plagued the country ⅲ the past year began 0 〃 d go 肥翔 e 厩 24 た & Click ″れ d 尾ホ die 加 the K ル 0 〃 & ″″ 2- in the sprlng with a series Of street battles between students and ′な加 g , 0 れイ襯 / ″ ro れ g 0 れ C ん″〃の 00 ル 4 〃な elec イ尾豆 d ー police. ln the opening rounds, casualties were light. The police the 翔わた立 0 襯 2 electoral college. Click Kim な厩 c 記ね laid down tear gas instead 0f bullets, and the students seemed death 0 川″″ 0 co ″ 0 〃勗 0 e 市″ 0 〃 . Click. more intent on creating dramatic tension than open warfare. Even dissident leaders urged moderation. The pleas worked. The stu- ike snapshots 仕 om a motor-driven camera, the images Of dents called 0 寵 their protests and life in SeouI seemed tO return South Korea in 1980 portray events racing at a speed diffcult to normal. Then Chun struck back. for the naked eye tO register. The first months of the year ー ln mid-May, he extended martial law throughout the nation. reflected extraordinary hope and exhilaration, a time when it He closed the universities, disbanded the National AssembIy and appeared that the country would emerge from the trauma Of ordered mass arrests. The speed and the scope Of Chun' s actions Park Chung Hee's assassination with a truly democratic system. left no doubt that his moves were planned well in advance. His But by the winter, after a series of seismic political upheavals, government immediately unveiled the sedition charges agai nst South Korea had a new dictator every bit as repressive as Park. Kim Dae Jung. Kim Jong PiI, the leader of Park's Democratic What went wrong? Republican Party, was put in jail and Kim Young Sam, the leader Just about everything. lnflation ran at a rate approaching 30 Of the opposition New Democratic Party, was placed u nder house per cent and the once-booming economy experlenced its first arrest. With that, Chun cleared the decks of all potential rivals negative growth in sixteen years. The country's normally docile for the Presidency. workers staged successive strikes that culminated in a coal miners' riot in Sabuk in which one policeman was killed and dozens onetheless , the stron gman ' s carefully choreographed crack- Of people were in. 」 ured. Students and opposition politicians, lm- down backfired in Kwangju, the capital of Kim Dae Jung's patient with the pace Of reforms Of caretaker President ChOi native province Of South ChOlla. ln an open insurrection, Kyu Hah , stepped up their pressure on the power structure without 189 people were killed according to the government tally; others first weighing the risks. Chun, who had taken control of the contended that the death toll was much higher. The violence army in December 1979 , rapidly consolidated his power and pre- started when the Black Berets, the SpeciaI Forces soldiers, were pared for the day when he would shed his uniform and assume sent in tO break up a protest on the Chonnam National University direct control. campus. They obeyed their orders with a vengeance—and the Chun's chances Of putting South Korea on a stable path in city exploded. After bloody battles with students and citizens 1981 hinge largely on the fate of Kim Dae Jung. If Chun allows who had seized arms and military vehicles in the struggle, the NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

P ℃ TURES OF THE YEAR mbitious and angry men overthrew their natlons' government.s, while Other attempts tO shift the balance Of power met fierce reSIStance. Some Of the mighty fell and others unexpectedly regained power. Yugoslavia's President JO- sip Broz TitO died in May and was buried with pomp in a state funeral attended by dozens ofworld leaders—but not by Jimmy Carter. lndira Gandhi, who was forced out of offce in March 1977 after 幻 months Of dictatorial rule, won a masslve election victory that gave her a new term as lndia's Prime Minister. Change came at gunpoint in Liberia, where an unknown soldier, Sgt. Samuel Doe, led a coup in which President William Tolbert was assassinated and the government ofAfrica's most stable republic was vengefully toppled. ln Afghanistan, SOViet invaders tried tO turn yet another natIOn 1ntO a Commumst- 国 oc satellite. But defiant nationalist rebels, armed only with antiquated weapons, kept up a yearlong struggle tO preserve their country's independence.. 人 n invasron Ofan- Other sort struck the lranian Embassy in London. Muslim fanatics seized the build- ing, but when they murdered one 0f their hostages, BritiSh commandos englneered a daring rescue m1SSion that saved the lives Ofall the remalnlng captives. 」 . Pavlovsky—Sygma TitO ・ 5 in state: The death of a f60 れ 9 patriot put a れ atiO れ ' 5 future in doubt Comman 05 mo ・ in as a h05 を ag ・・・ S a besieged embassy: A daring 「・ 50u を BaIdev—Sygma Saying it with れ OW ・「 5 : Gandhi 「・ ig れ 5 a れ・ NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 円制 22

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eral fronts—including an e 0 t0 hear 、し、 be sure that he wanted t0 go forward despite gan's own views and he was strongly on White House tapes from the two-month backed by former Presidents Nixon and the gauntlet that had been thrown down. ' period when Haig was chief 0f staff. "We The session was arranged by transition Ford. Reagan himself has met Haig only know how obsessed Nixon was with Wa- twice, more than a year ago in California head-hunter E. Pendleton James a fortnight tergate during this period, ' ' says another and again at the GOP convention in De- ago in James's own fourth-floor suite at Washington' s sedate Jefferson HOtel, close former Watergate prosecutor. "Whoever troit, but that was enough. "Reagan was really impressed with his mind, ' ' recalled by the Reagan headquarters. Asking the was in the major domo role was going tO hear a great deal Of strategizing about what one key aide. When former Treasury Sec- questions, besides James and Meese, were he was going t0 d0 . retary George Shultz dropped out 0f the Jim Baker and Sen. Paul Laxalt—and all They were not simply wallowing in Wa- running for State several weeks ago, Haig were impressed With the answers. “′・ e were tergate, the Democrats contended. H OW locked it up. "There was no real internal very tough and direct and he was very direct and forthcoming," said one of the partici- Haig dealt with Congress during Nixon's dissent," says an aide. Threats Of a con- final days, they argued, could indicate the firmation fight, first voiced by outgoing pants. Haig recounted the "can Of worms' ' he confronted as Nixon's last staff chief, kind of Congressional relations he will Senate Maj ority Leader R0bert Byrd, re- maintain as Secretary Of State. " de- doubled Reagan's resolution. "Byrd in ef- said the idea of Ford pardoning Nixon was not his (although he admitted raising it pend upon a flow ofinformation," said Sen. fect cemented the choice, ' ' explained a sen- John Glenn ofOhio, while Tsongas worried with Ford) and explained that he ordered ior Reagan adviser. "You just don't back about the "commander-in-chief mentality' offin the face of something like that. " wiretaps only on Kissinger's orders. AS for of a former general: "lf you're Reagan's men did their best tO smooth told to do something and you the way for Haig's nomination. Even before know it's wrong, dO you still Byrd's challenge, Meese was quietly lining do it?" Tsongas asked. "The wiretaps [ostensibly made for national-securlty purposes] are the ultimate example Of this syndrome. " Haig's crltics 引 SO wanted a more precise idea about his position on the SALT Ⅱ treaty, human rights and U. S. policy in P01and, Asia and Latin America. Tricks: Senate Republicans 馮 were not about tO let Haig's critics steal the show. The GOP maj ority on Foreign Relations, led by Charles Percy, was plan- ning tO hire its own Watergate specialist : Fred Thompson, Republican counsel t0 the Sen- ate Watergate investigation in 1973. "We could get very hard nosed if it appears that this is a witch hunt, ” said one GOP staffer. "We could complain about the witness list, convene the hearings at awkward times, use a11 the tricks. ” lt will surely take something far more damaging than what Larry Downing—NEWSWEEK is already known about Haig 〃 g 襯な ~ 催 , g れんなみ〃なん催 tO overturn hiS nomination. up support on Capit01 Hill. 。、 A good portion But there were perils for both of my time was taken up handling this, ' ' sides in the pending confron- tation. Reagan could find his Meese said. "A number Of Democrats and Tony Korody—Sygma Republicans had expressed a willingness honeymoon with Congress, in which he lying tO the press at one point about secret hopes tO focus almost exclusively on the tO check things out for us. We alSO went bombing in Camb0dia, Haig replied that nation's economic problems, abruptly tO senators on bOth sides Of the aisle whO was trying tO save american lives. ' Haig' s Senate critics are likely t0 be much shortened. The Democrats could seem SO had some problems and defused them. ' ' By hostile that they would be frozen out 0f the time 。 Byrd and Other critics began tougher in their interrogation. Of eight future consultations on foreign policy—or sounding 0 Meese had statements prais- Democrats on next year' s Foreign Rela- anything else. "The Democrats are going ing Haig from a broad array 0f Repub- tions Committee, the most hostile tO Haig's licans—including Howard Baker—and nomination are Paul Tsongas Of Massa- t0 be hard-pressed t0 be brought into the prominent Senate Democrats such as Hen- chusetts, Alan Cranston of California, Jo- picture at all if this really becomes par- tisan," said one veteran Hill staffer. Haig ry (Scoop) Jackson and Sam Nunn. seph Biden of Delaware and Paul Sarbanes is likely tO be confirmed—but the temper Questions and Answers: Meese alSO ar- of Maryland. Tsongas has already opened ranged a sesslon with Haig tO see hOW he negotiations with Watergate prosecution of the debate could tell a 10t about the future relations between Ronald Reagan would respond to the charges bound to veteran Terry Lenzner tO organize the mi- be raised in the Senate. " lt was important nority's investigation. Even if Lenzner de- and the 97th Congress. murs ("He doesn 't want tO participate in that we sit down and hear it from him DAVID M. ALPERN with GLORIA BORGER, THOMAS M. DeFRANK and ELEANOR CLIFT that in his view there was no problem,' a re-hearing Of Watergate, ' ' says one Senate in Washington, and MARTIN KASINDORF said a senior source. alSO needed tO staffer), preparations will continue on sev- in LOS Angeles NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981

」 ames Mason ・—Black Star; (inset) 」 Ohn Barr—Gamma-Lialson G ia nsa nti—Sygma Mount St. HeIens erupts and 00 e 「 s the land with ashes; a so 0 響 ful 00 ege in ltaly; the golde れ 9 w of Saturn 」 PL NASA NEWSWEEK/JANUARY 5 , 1981