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世界がもし100人の村だったら = If the world were a village of 100 people お金篇


lfthe world were a village 0f 100 people 世 界 が も し 1 00 人 の 村 た っ た ら 池 田 香 代 子 / C. ダ グ ラ ス ・ ラ ミ ス 対 訳

世界がもし100人の村だったら = If the world were a village of 100 people お金篇


増 え た 富 は い ち は ん 豊 か な 人 ひ と の も と に い ち ば ん た く さ ん 貯 ま り ま し た 。 そ の 結 果 世 界 を 1 00 人 の 村 と す る と 世 界 の 富 の う ち ツ は 1 人 の 0 、 ち ば ん の 0 大 金 持 ち の も と に 39 % も と に 0 は 40 人 の 、 わ り と 1 1 / 0 豊 か な 人 の も と に 貯 ま り ま し た 50 人 の 貧 し い 人 の も と に あ る の は た っ た の 1 % て す 0f this increase of wealth. most went t0 the rich. As a result, if we shrink this world to the size of a village 0f 100 people, ofalltheworld'swealth 49%wiIIbeIongt0 1 super-rich person. 39 % to 9 rich pe 叩 le, 11 % to 40 moderately well-off pe 叩 le. and t0the 50 poorest people, a mere 1 %. 0 1 9

世界がもし100人の村だったら = If the world were a village of 100 people お金篇


lfthe world were a village 0f 1 圓 pe 叩 le 世 界 が も し 1 0 0 人 の 村 た っ た ら お 金 篇 た っ た 1 人 の 大 金 持 ち と 50 人 の 貧 し い 村 人 た ち

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


226 / GLOBAL DREAMS one-third 0f 1 percent 0f Nestlé's global sales' the company has a powdered-milk processmg operation in eastern Java. lt is hard tO think Of a less promismg place tO put one. Java is an island Of scrawny COWS subsisting on tropical grasses. But Nestlé teaches village farmers hOW tO care for their COWS and tO transport their milk in cans one at a time tO collection stations from which they are trucked a harrowing hour's J0urney t0 the processrng plant on the coast. The powdered milk is sold mostly in stalls in open markets. Nestlé is willing t0 nurture such 10 、 operations because lt lS counting on the world's fifth-most-populous nation t0 develop enough in the early years Of the next century tO provide 50 million new customers for Nestlé products. A few years ago' Nestlé's CEO' Helmut Maucher' was flying over pakistan. surprised tO see SO many electric lights in Karachi, Maucher quickly calculated that there must be 100 million people down there. "What are we doing in pakistan?" he asked. Shortly thereafter a Nestlé factory went up in Lahore' one 0f more than 420 Nestlé plants sixty countries across the g10be. There were 43 sixty-seven in the United States at last count. As the 1990S began, Philip Morris posed a growing globalthreat for the venerable Swiss-based ん 0d giant. The American-based com- pany had doubled its presence in Europe with the purchase 研 Jacobs suchard. As he girded for "the global battle to feed the world"' the hyperbolic rendering in the business press Of what is known in eco- nomics Jargon as "global oligopolistic competition"' Maucher called a press conference and predicted a 、 、 more competitive envl- ronment. " ln private asides he made it clear what he meant. ” 44 Morris has teeth. VI. The 1980S was a decade 0f large-scale consolidation' dismember- ment, and disappearance 0 日 00d companies. The era 0f hostile take- overs and leveraged buyouts coincided with an eXPlOSi()n in foreign lnvestment in fOOd manufacturing. The agricultural economist JOhn M. Connor has calculated that "between 1977 and 1987 foreign lnvestment in fOOd manufacturing industries in the United States soared 790 %. " 45 About 90 percent 0f this buy-up 研 American food- 46 ln the food-and- processing facilities occurred through mergers. drink industry in Europe between 1989 and 1991 there were 450 mergers. ln the U. s. retail f00d industry there were 3 87 mergers

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


THE GLOBAL GROCER / 219 0 お magazine called the world's largest f00d merger 、 one 0f the ” 25 fastest consolidations Of tWO huge compames ever seen. A few months after the Kraft merger Maxwell was dropping hints that he was about tO move again on another fOOd company. 、 、 You never get t0 where you can Just sit back and say' 'OkaY' l've , ” 26 Nestlé was still the world's now created the world, I'II rest. largest f00d company, and in Europe Unilever was also bigger. 、 、 TO strengthen our fOOd business internationally—and 、 are that we should dO it sooner rather than later—," Maxwell mused aloud, 。 、 Ⅵ ℃ need acquiS1t10ns. ・ で cannot dO it one big acqu1Sl- ” 27 . SO it's more a matter Of picking up bits and pieces. t10n. 1989 , philip Morris paid less than $ 100 million for Fini, an ltalian pasta and cold-cuts company. The next year, long before most industry analysts thought Philip Morris would be finished digesting its last multibillion-dollar acqui- sition, Maxwell was ready for another. TO be a truly global 応 0d giant, Maxwell and Miles realized, Philip Morris had t0 have a European f00d company. The European CommunitY appeared t0 be movmg rapidly toward economic integration. MOSt European na- tions west 0f poland had agreed t0 form a single market embracing 340 million customers by the beginning 0f 1993. lt was important t0 hedge against the possibility that the EC would erect tariff barriers against the outside world even as they lowered them within Europe. Jacobs Suchard would give Philip Morris a place inside "Fortress Europe," if that iS what it were tO become. The year philip Morris bid to take it over, Jacobs Suchard was selling about 13 percent 0f all the candy sold in Europe and about 20 percent Of the COffee. lt was especially strong in Europe's premier national market, ・ west Germany. With the acquisition Of the SWiSS chocolate-maker, Philip Morris became the world's number-one consumer-products company. By the same stroke it became the third- largest f00d company in Europe, a $7()()-billion-a-year market that was once the exclusive domain Of NeStlé, Unilever, and a hOSt Of 28 other smaller Old World companies ・ One motive behind philip Morris's transformatlon intO a fOOd company was the hope 0f becoming recession-proof. As Maxwell puts it, no matter how bad things get you can bet your life they'll keep on eating. '' As f00d companies merged and expanded in the 1980S and the prices of their stock surged, they 100ked impervious t0 fluctuations in the economy. ln the recession that began in 1989 a relatively small number 0f people in the United States went t0 bed

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


370 / GLOBAL DREAMS for export earnings, and a worldwide economic slowdown brought a number Of countries to the point where their indebtedness ap- proached or even exceeded their entire gross domestrc products, and they were out offoreign exchange. They were, walter wriston to the contrary notwithstanding, "broke," at least that is what they said and that is how they looked. To the delight of the large cast of characters in the financial world who had felt the sting of a wriston barb over the years, the philosopher-banker had been exposed, his bank considerably more so. TO make matters worse for the debtor countries, between 1979 and 1982 well over $ 100 billion in capital fled the Third world, and this flight continued throughout the decade. But in the short run this was hardly bad news for Citi. Because it had become a financial supermarket, the bank was able to help people with money protect themselves from the improvidence of their governments. Even as Citi'S loan pushers continued to visit government offices Of insolvent countries, Citi'S private bankers were arranging for the transfer of billions in personal and corporate funds from these same financial disaster areas tO the safety Of a Citi account in the l_Jnited states or elsewhere. Brazilian, Mexican, and Argentine business and professional people stockpiled dollars in suitcases under the bed to hedge against their own falling currency, Citi, according to the former bank economist James S. Henry, was intent on helping the superrich preserve their assets by getting them out of the country. The bank assembled a list 0 い 回 obal elite" made up of 。 、 the 5000 or so people around the world who are supposed to have individual net worths greater than $ 100 million. " American Express was court- ing the same select group of Paraguayans, Bolivians, and Argentin- eans by offering its BIack Card, "the ultra VIP credit card that has a credit line of $ 500 , 000 and offers services such as private planes, bodyguards, and access tO Fifth Avenue stores in the wee hours Of the , ” 17 morning for 'solo shopping. But Citi was the most aggressrve facilitator Of the exodus of capital from shaky Latin American econ- omies thanks t0 its worldwide private banking network. 、 'The prob- lem is not that Latin Americans don't have assets," a member Of the Federal Reserve Board remarked in the mid -1980S. "They do. The problem is, they're all in Miami. '' Henry calculates that in 1984 Mexican funds in U. S. banks exceeded the amount Mexico owed U. S. banks by somewhere between $ 40 to $ 60 billion. 19 As the tumultuous 1970S ended, over forty developing countries,

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


THE TECHNOLOGY OF PLEASURE / 53 to the head of Nissan Motors. 2 He sounds shocked, but there is a twinkle in his eye. IV. AII through the 1970S Sony kept growing at a startling rate as one new electronic gadget after another caught the imagination Of people all around the world. The key t0 our success Morita would lecture Americans, iS our ability tO generate profits for expansion' and the key t0 profits is production. 、 、 If you d0 not produce¯add value t0 ” 23 raw materials—you cannot make a reasonable profit. Morita has always insisted that he has standing tO cr1t1Cize American business practices and economic philosophy because sony an American manufacturer with thousands Of employees in the United States. American consumers Of have been the mainstay Of sony's growth, and it is important tO the com- pany that they continue t0 feel rich enough t0 keep buying. lndeed' the United states is so criticalto the health 0f the world economy and tO the prosperity Of non-American companies selling in that market ” 24 that "America's lack Of competitiveness IS a glObal concern. Morita's lectures went unheeded. lnstead, there occurred in the United states beginning in the late 1970S what Morita calls 。 、 the ” 25 Forty years ago a third 0f all hollowing 0f American industry. American jobs were in manufacturing; bY the mid-1980s factory employment accounted for only 20 percent 0f the work force in the United states. 2 Major U. S. firms had relocated their factories t0 varIOLIS spots around the glObe where labor was cheap and unions no problem. GE became Singapore's largest employer outside 0f gov- ernment, and more than 100 , 000 Singaporeans were signed up t0 work for other American-based companies. AT&T became one 0f Taiwan's maJOr exporters.Whirlpool cut its work force in the United states 10 percent and spread itS operations across forty-five coun- tries. ln 1987 the world's largest maker 0f washing machines closed the last 0f its four plants in Benton Harbor' Michigam the company hometown, prom1Sing tO build a a and a hOtel on the site Of its former production facilities. lt then purchased a controlling 27 interest in philips's appliance business, the second largest in Europe. ln 1980 corporations with headquarters in the United States still accounted for the same share Of tOtal world exports as they did in

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION / 21 What it takes tO manage a successful national economy in the new Ob 引 environment tO achieve stability and growth without destroy- lng people, crushing their spirit, or wrecking the envlronment IS as yet unknown. Political programs can stimulate short-term booms, but all across the political spectrum long-term economrc manage- ment has become a mystery since nothing qulte works as theory predicts. Juggling interest rates and exchange rates, raiS1ng and IOW- ering taxes, all produce ℃ lcome surprises. AS politicians across the political spectrum are learning, staking one's reputation on prom- rses Of prosperity is not the best way tO get your name emblazoned on a bridge. The same glob 引 economic changes that hastened the break- down Of the COld War order are still straining nations everywhere. The ideas for navigating the transltlon tO the postnational order that beckons as the only apparent alternative tO anarchic disorder and the breakup Of nations are not likely tO originate ln corporate boardrooms. The interests and self-defined responsibilities of corpo- rate leaders are global but parochial; their eyes are on the global market, but most of the world's people remain invisible. Hundreds of millions are now residents in the global village being created by the great corporations, but billions more are not and have no such pros- pects. 。 、 G0ing global" is a strategy for picking and choosing from a global menu. Vast areas of the world and the people who live there are wrltten 0 . Contrast corporate globalism with past notions Of world civilization. Even when they espoused a unlversal spirit, asplr- ing world cultures were rooted in particular places. Athens. Rome. Constantinople. But the ideology 0f the age of globalization cele- brates the liberation from passionate attachments tO any specific PIece Of territory. This is quite different from the umversal conscrous- ness of which poets, philosophers, and prophets have dreamed through the ages ・ IV. AS the processes Of globalization accelerate, the more conSClOtIS we become of the pull oflocalism in all its forms. For most people across the world, place and rootedness are as important as ever. Their very identity is tied tO a place, and they cannot concewe Of living any- where else, for they are dependent on a piece 0f ground for their livelihood and on a particular culture and language for their sense of well-being. For them the forces of globalization are a threat. Hun-

The Great Adventures of Dirty Pair


can remember as if it were yesterday hOW our ad- visor, Dr. Chiban, moaned and buried his head in hiS arms When he saw us floundering about. , 人 Ⅱ things considered, it was a natural reaction. Neither of us had any particular talent ()r so we believed at the time). As for our grades, well, to be perfectly frank, they weren't exactly praisewor- thy. If there was anything about us that set us apart from other people it was the fact that we were both (though I s ay it myself) , actually quite be autiful , with pretty good figures (Everyone did say so ! ). Yet that obviously had nothing to do with the WWWA's selection standards.We were sure there'd been S01 e mistake. We kept badgering the recruit- er tO tell us why we were being scouted. But that was one question he absolutely refused tO answer. Later on we found out that he couldn't have an- swered us even if he'd wanted to; he didn't have the slightest idea why, either. ln the end, we went along. WWWA trouble con- sultants are an elite. They 're at the very cutting edge Of society. But even better than that, they'd C01 e tO scout Yuri and 1 e together. By then the two of us had already decided that we would be insepa- rable when we went out into the real world (and don't you get tO thinking we're lesbians, cuz we re not!). But the real world isn't all roses, and we'd

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


POLITICS, MARKETS, AND JOBS / 355 OP1ng countnes with governments strong enough tO set their own priorities have succeeded in becoming industrial nations. VI. Even as the Bush administratlon was pressing hard tO reform GATT it launched a parallel initiative on the regional level. The decision tO push for a free-trade zone in North America, like the push for the European Community that began in the early postwar years, stemmed from a political concern that transcends specific econom1C interests. The fear Of Japan'S surging economrc power and the pros- pect 0f a united European Community 0f 360 million customers stimulated the Bush administration tO design a U. S. -dominated eco- nomic bloc that would eventually encompass the 700 million people of the Western Hemisphere. With the end of the CoId War the NATO alliance was a ghost of itself; the major U. S. allies in the fight against the Soviet Union were now the home countries Of the most formi- dable corporations and banks challenging American industry and finance. The Bush administration feared that the United States would be isolated in the new world economy. Substantial Japanese and European capital was already flowing int0 theWestern Hemisphere. Taiwanese, Korean, and Japanese firms entered Mexico and set up factories tO make such things as baseball caps, toys, furniture, and bicycles.Nissan became one Of the largest carmakers in Mexico, and about 100 Japanese, Korean, and Taiwanese plants moved in tO pro- duce consumer electronics along the Mexican side Of the border with the United States. The creatlon Of free-trade blOCS was SOld tO voters as an answer tO the' 、 competitiveness problem" on which unemployment and thelack of job opportunities are usually blamed. ln the late 1980S Mexico was the fastest-growrng market for U. S. exports as Mexico recovered from the previous decade during which real income had fallen by 40 percent. Caterpillar reported t0 the Business Roundtable in 1991 that it expected its sales Of heavy equrpment in Mexico tO double every year for the foreseeable future. GE reported that it expected its ex- ports Of locomotlves, power generators, and diagnostIC imagrng equipment t0 Mexico t0 quadruple every three years in the 1990S. Sandra Masur, an adviser to the chairman and CEO of Kodak on trade matters, predicted that if MexiCO kept growmg at 5 percent a