THE CANADIAN ROCKIES: A HISTORY 爪 PHOTOGRAPHS 49 Opposite. Packtrain fording the became a talented skier, and Among the most success- Sunwapta River, National ん 1 guides were B ill Peyto , established a boat concesslon Geographic C01umbia lcefield at Maligne Lake. The boat Jimmy Simpson, Donald Expedition, 1924. 。℃ urly" PhiIIips, and Jim house he built there in 1929 ハわ ove : Campfire smudge at Bre 、 vster.With the advent still stands. The guiding Calumet Creek, A. C. C. / of the automobile in the business begun by Jim and Smithsonian Mt. Robson Expedition, 1911. Smoke from 1920 s, trail riding declined, Bill Brewster at Banff, smudges kept mosquitos and eventually became Bre 、 vster and Other business opportu- horseflies away. Transportat10n and Tours. mties presented themselves. 気 h the reso urcefulness they had demonstrated on the trail, many of the guides became entrepreneurs, providing a variety of services. J ⅱ m メ Simpson built Num-ti-jah Lodge at Bow Lake. CurIy PhiIIips
130 A N AT 0 L E F R A N C E appearance. Ämong others were included the servant 0f Monsieur MaréchaI, who kept the general shop with the sign of 'Le Rendezvous des Pecheurs,' a baker's errand girl, and the lit- tle cripple of the Pont-Biquet, who had all 厄 n victims to PutOis' charms. 'The monster! ' cried the gossips. "Thus PutOis, invisible satyr, threatened with woes irretrlev- able all the maidens ofa town, wherein, according to the oldest inhabitants, virgins had om time lmmemorial lived free 仕 om danger. "Though celebrated thus throughout the city and its neigh- bourhood, he continued ⅲ a subtle manner tO be associated es- pecially with 0 home. He passed by 0 door, and it was believed that om time to time he climbed over our garden wall. He was never seen face tO face. But we were constantly recog- nizing his shadow, his voice, his 応 0 中ⅱ nts. More than once, ⅲ the twilight, we thought we saw his back at the bend ofthe road. My sister and I were changing 0 町 opinions 0f him. He re- mained wicked and malevolent, but he was becoming child-like and simple. He was growmg less real, and, ifl may say SO, more poetical. He was about t0 be included ⅲ the naive cycles ofchil- dren's i tales. He was turning int0 Croquemitaine, int0 Pére Fouettard, int0 the dustman wh0 shuts little children's eyes at night. He was not that sprite wh0 by night entangles the colt's ねⅱⅲ the s ね b 厄 . NOt SO rust1C or SO charming, yet he wasjust as frankly mischievous; he used t0 draw ink moustaches on my sisters' dolls. ln our beds we used to hear him before we went to sleep; he was barking with the dogs; he was groaning ⅲ the mill-hopper; he was mimicking the songs ofbelated drunkards ⅲ the street. "What rendered Put0is present and familiar tO us, what in- terested us ⅲ him was that his memory was associated with all the objects that surrounded us. Z0é's dolls, my exercise-books, the pages 0f which he had so 0ften blotted and crumpled, the garden wall over which we had seen his red eyes gleam ⅲ the shadow, the blue flower-pot one winter's night cracked by ifit were not by the frost; trees, streets, benches, everything re- minded us 0f putois, our Put0is, the children's Put0is, a being loc and mythical. ln grace and ⅲ poetry he Ⅱ far short 0f
126 A N AT 0 L E F R A N C E suspected her ofbeguiling Put0is and keeping hlm out of sight for oflosing him or rendenng hlm more exacting. And she mentally pronounced her overselfish. Many ajudgment ratified by history has no better foundation. " 、、 That is qulte true," said Pauline. "What is true?" asked Z06 , who was halfasleep. "That the judgments ofhistory are often false. I remember, papa, that you said one day: 'lt was very naive 0f Madame R01and t0 叩 peal t0 an impartial postenty, and not to see that if her contemporanes 、 malevolent, those 、 VhO came after them would be equally so. ' " "Pauline," lnquired Madem0iselle Z06 , sternly, "what has that t0 d0 with the story 0fPutois?" "A great deal, aunt. " "I don't see it. ” Monsieur Bergeret, whO did not object to digressions, replied t0 his daughter: "lf every i 可 ustice were ultimately repaired ⅲ this world, it would never have been necessary tO invent another for the pur- pose. How can posterity judge the dead justly? lnto the shades whither they pass can they be pursued, can they there be ques- tioned? As soon as it is possible t0 regard them justly, they are forgotten. But is it possible ever tO be just? What is justice? At any rate, ⅲ the end, Madame Cornouiller was obliged t0 admit that my mother was not deceivmg her, and that Put0is was not to be found. 'Nevertheless, she did not grve 叩 looking for him. Of all her relations, friends, neighbors, servants and tradesmen she inquired whether they knew Put0is. Only two or three replied that they had never heard of him. The majority thought they had seen him. 'I have heard the name,' said the cook, 'but I can't put a face t0 it."Put0is! 、 Mhy! I know him very well,' said the road surveyor, scratchihg his ear. 'But I couldn't exactly pomt him out tO you. ' The most precise information came 丘 om Monsieur Blaise, the registrar, who declared that he had em- ployed Putois t0 chop wood in his yard, 丘 om the 19th until the 23rd of October, ⅲ the year ofthe comet. "One morning, Madame Cornouiller rushed panting rntO
436 劭叩 / 催幻ビ Q 立 for S 加 D 叩襯 e Markets can sometimes provide a safety valve tO ensure sustainability when the supply 0f a renewable resource is threatened. Fish farming is one example where declining supplies Of a renewable resource trigger the availability Of an alternative, renewable substitute. Even when the government intervenes detrimentally in a way that benefits current generations at the expense 0f future generations, as it did with natural gas, the market can limit the damage. The market for solar energy still exists as a substitute for natural gas, SO that the effect 0f gov- ernment regulation was tO make the transition significantly less smooth than it might have been, rather than preventing the transition. The notion that left tO their own devices markets would automatically provide for the future is naive, despite their apparent success in providing for generations in the past. Efficiency and 5 5 ねⅲ b 川 SUPPOSe future governments were able tO eliminate all market imperfections, restoring effi- ciency t0 the glObal economic system. ln this idealized world, intertemporal and contempora- neous externalities would be reduced tO efficient levels. Access tO common resources would be restricted tO efficient levels, and harvesting excess capacity would be eliminated. Competition would be restored t0 previously cartelized natural resource markets. Would this package 0f policies be sufficient tO achieve sustainability, or iS something more required? One way tO examine this question is tO consider a number Of different models that cap- ture the essence Of intertemporal resource allocation. For each model, the question becomes, "Will efficient markets automatically produce sustainable devel 叩 ment?" The conclusion tO be drawn from these models is very clear: Restoring efficiency is not sufficient tO produce sus- tainability. Take the allocation Of depletable resources over time. lmagine a simple economy where the only activity is the extraction and consumption Of a single, depletable resource. Even when the population is constant and the demand curves are stable, the efficient-quality profiles shOW declining consumption over time. ln this hypothetical world, later genera- tions would be unambiguously worse Off unless current generations transferred some Of the net benefits into the future. Even an efficient market allocation would not be sustainable in the absence Of transfers. The existence Of an abundant, renewable resource tO serve as a backstop (). g. , solar energy) would not solve the problem; even in this more congenial set 0f circumstances, the quantity profile 0f the depletable resource would still involve declining consumption until the backstop was reached. ln the absence Of compensating transfers, even efficient markets would use the depletable resources tO support a higher current standard of living than could be supported indefinitely. Dasgupta and Heal find a similar result for a slightly more realistic model. 5 They examine an economy where a single consumption good is produced by combining capital with a depletable resource. The finite supply of the depletable resource can be used both to produce c 叩 ital and in combination with c 叩 ital tO produce the consumption good. The more capital produced, the higher is the marginal product 0f the remaining depletable resource. 5P. S. Dasgupta and G. M. Heal, Eco れ 0 襯た eo の滬 Ex ん励 R 0 ″尾 es (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1979 ) : 299.
イ市 5 加 e な 463 pessimistic, because they fail tO take intO account possibilities for expanding current reserves. Historically, no forecast based on these techniques has stood the test of time. There is no rea- son tO expect any similar forecast tO dO so in the future. They are convenient because they can be readily calculated and easily interpreted, but they are also usually dead wrong. Current reserves can be expanded in many ways. These include finding new sources of con- ventional materials as well as discovering new uses for unconventional materials, including what was previously considered waste. We can also stretch the usefullife of these reserves by reducing the amount of materials needed to produce the products. Strik1ng examples include the diminishing size Of a typical computer system needed to process a given amount of informa- tion and the substantially diminished amount of energy needed to heat a superinsulated home. Although our ability to assess what is h 叩 pening to cost is far from perfect, two things seem clear. HistoricaIIy, very little, if any, evidence supports a fear of impending scarcity of minerals. Our ability tO develop lower-cost technologies for processing resources has domi- nated the necessity tO extract lower-grade sources. As a result, in real terms, extraction costs have fallen rather than risen over time. However, the most recent evidence suggests that, for a number Of minerals, a turning point has been reached in the last few years. For those resources, evidence Of scarcity—in the form Of rising relative prices and increased exploration activity—has appeared. N0t all errors in resource-base measurement have been committed by those having a tendency tO understate the adequacy Of the resource base. Errors in the other direction are committed by those whO point tO the abundance in the earth's crust and atmosphere of almost all substances on which we depend. AIthough the abundance of those substances may be supported by the evidence, the amounts we actually use will no doubt fall far short of the amounts available. Paradoxically, some Of the most obvious cases where limits are being 叩 proached and the carrying-c 叩 acity concept has the most validity involve renewable resources rather than depletable resources. Population growth is a key contributor tO this phenomenon. Expanding p 叩 ulations force the cultivation 0f marginallands and the deforestation 0f large, biologically rich tracts. The erosion 0f overworked soils diminishes their fertility and, ultimately, their productivity. Bi010gical resources such as fisheries can be overexploited, even t0 the point 0f extinction. The problem with these resources is not their finiteness, but the way in which they have been managed. Correct conceptualization Of the resource scarcity problem suggests that bOth extremely pessimistic and extremely optimistic views are wrong. lmpenetrable proximate physicallimits on resource availability are typically not the problem; incentives and information are fre- quently a much more serious problem. But believing in unlimited amounts Of all resources that could support continued economic growth at current rates forever is equally naive. Plenty of resources are available if we are willing tO pay the price, but that price is now rising. Transitions tO renewable resources, recycled resources, and less COStly depletable resources have al ready be gun. 5 黼加 on 瓢 Respo 5e5 One of the keys tO understanding how society will cope with increasing resource scarcity and environmental damage lies in understanding hOW social institutions will react. Are market sys- tems, with their emphasis on decentralized decision making, and democratic political systems, with their commitment t0 public participation and majority rule, equal tO the challenge?
市 es 豆れ 0 2 467 SustainabIe DeveIopment Historically, increases in inputs and technological progress have been important sources of economic growth in the industrialized nations. ln the future, some factors of production, such as labor, will not increase as rapidly as they have in the past. The effect of this decline on growth depends on the interplay among the law of diminishing marginal productivity, substi- tution possibilities, and technological progress. The law of diminishing marginal productivity suggests slower growth rates, whereas technological progress and the availability of substitu- tion possibilities counteract this drag. ()ur examination Of empirical evidence suggests that increased environmental control has not currently had a large impact on the economy as a whole, although certain industries have been hit quite hard. EnvironmentaI policy has triggered only a small rise in the rate of inflation and a mild reduction in growth. Environmental policy has apparently contributed more jObs than it has cost. The notion that respecting the environment is incompatible with a healthy economy is demonstrably wrong. The situation is similar for energy. Though rather large increases in energy prices have occurred, the portion Of the slowdown in productivity growth during the 1970S attributed to these increases is not large. Some diminution of growth has certainly occurred, but it seems premature tO suggest that rising energy prices have already forced a transition to a period of substantially lower productivity growth. The economy is being transformed, however. lt is not business as usual. Two particularly important aspects Of this transformation are the decline in population growth and the rise in the importance Of information as a driving economic force. Both aspects tend to reduce the degree tO which physicallimits constrain economic growth and increase the degree to which current welfare levels would be sustainable. Recognizing that conventional measures Of economic growth shed little light on the ques- tion, some crude attempts have been made tO estimate whether or not growth in the industri- alized countries has made the citizens Of those countries better off. ResuIts of these studies suggest that, because growth has ultimately generated more leisure, longer life expectancy, and more goods and services, it has been beneficial. But more recent studies suggest that the benefits from growth have been steadily diminishing over time. One study found that further growth in the United States now lowers the economic well-being Of the average U. S. citizen; at this stage Of affluence, the negative aspects were estimated tO outweigh the positive aspects. Our examination Of the evidence suggests that the notion that all of the world's people are automatically benefited by economic growth is naive. Growth has demonstrably benefited the poor in the developed countries, but mainly through transfers from more well-off mem- bers Of society, not exclusively from the direct effects Of growth. The future outlook for the less industrialized nations is, at best, mixed. SOIving many of their future environmental problems will require higher standards 0f living. However, following the path 0f devel 叩 ment pioneered by the industrialized nations is probably not possible with- out triggering severe glObal environmental problems; the solution would become the prob- lem. New forms 0f development will be necessary. The less industrialized countries must overcome a number Of significant barriers if devel- 叩 ment is tO become a reality. At the locallevel, rising populations face increasingly limited access tO land or productive assets. At the nationallevel, corruption and development policies
430 劭叩 r 20 D 2 ん〃襯例 4 P のロれイ 2 E れ盟れ襯ー Some crude attempts have been made tO assess whether or not growth in the industrial- ized countries has made the citizens Of those countries better Off. Results Of these studies sug- gest that because growth has ultimately generated more leisure, longer life expectancy, and more goods and services, it has been beneficial. However, more recent studies suggest that the benefits from growth have been steadily diminishing over time. One study found that fur- ther growth in the United States now lowers economic well-being Of the average U. S. citizen; at this stage 0f affluence the negative aspects were estimated tO outweigh the positive aspects. Our examination 0f the evidence suggests that the notion that all 0f the world's people are automatically benefited by economic growth is naive. Growth has demonstrably bene- fited the poor in the developed countries, mainly through transfers from more well-off members Of society. The outlook for the less industrialized nations is, at best, mixed. Solving many Of their future environmental problems will require raising the standards Of living. However, it is probably not possible for them to follow the path 0f devel 叩 ment pioneered by the industrial- ized nations without triggering severe glObal environmental problems; the solution would become the problem. New forms 0f development will be necessary. The less industrialized countries must overcome a number Of significant barriers if devel- 叩 ment is tO become a reality. At the locallevel, rising populations face increasingly limited access tO land or productive assets. At the nationallevel, corruption and development policies discriminate against the poor. G10bally, their situation is worsened by rising debt burdens, falling export prices for the products they sell, and the flight of capital that could be used to create jObS and income. HOW can the barriers be overcome? What new forms Of development can be introduced? By what means can they be introduced? We shall deal with these questions in the next ch 叩 ter. FURTHER READING Dasgupta, Partha.An 加 4 加Ⅳ〃 - 召 e 加 0 れ dD ″ル″ 0 れ (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993 ). A seminal work that deals comprehensively with the forces that create and accentuate poverty and their interaction With economic growth. ADDITIONAL を庇 ENC を 5 Ahlburg, Dennis A. , ed. The / 〃け砿 P 叩″″ 0 れ Growth 0 れⅣ 2 ″ - 召 e 加加 D el 叩加 Co ″れ s (Berlin: Springer, 1996 ). BarteImus, P. 。℃ reen Accounting for a Sustainable Economy—Policy Use and Analysis of Environmen- tal Accounts in the Philippines," Eco あグ c 記 Economics 29 ( 1999 ) ( 1 ) : 155 ー 170. Brown, Gardiner Jr. , and Barry FieId. 'The Adequacy of Measures for Signaling the scarcity of NaturaI Resources," in Scarcity イ G 盟 Co れ豆 V. Kerry Smith, ed. (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hop- kins University Press, 1979 ). Carraro, C. , M. Galeotti, et al. "Environmental Taxation and UnempIoyment: Some Evidence on the の oub 厄 Dividend Hypothesis' in Europe," 面レ記砿 P ″わ″ c Economics 62 ( 1996 ) ( 1 ー 2 ) : 141 ー 181.
8 May 1619 Despite their anxiety t0 leave H011and the Pilgrims were delayed for more than a year by these continuing commercial squabbles. Their negotiator Cushman confirmed this when he wrote,'The maine hinder- ance Of our proseedings in the Virginia bussines, iS the dissentions and factions, they terme it, amongs the Counsell & Company Of Virginia; which are such, that ever since we came up no business could by the be dispatched'. lndeed Cushman was the bearer 0f further bad tidings. He wrote that he had received word that an earlier rehgious mission from H011and t0 Virginia, under the command 0f a former Elder 0f their Church at Amsterdam, Francis Blackwell , had ended ⅲ disaster when their ship was blown Off course. BIackwell's ship had left for Virginia ⅲ the fall of 1618 , overloaded with a group 0f religious refugees. Cushman wrote that due tO rough seas and bad conditions the 'shipe came not ther ⅱⅡ March, but going towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried them tO the southward beyond their course. And the master 0f the ship & some 6 Of the mariners dieing, it seemed they could not find the bay, ⅱⅡ after long seeking & beating aboute'. Things went from bad to worse. Captain Maggner could not find the ⅱ harbor, and Blackwell died along with the Captam 田•d 130 others. With the cold and stormy conditions, shortage of f00d and water and cramped conditions, disease broke out and 'ther are dead, he saith, 130 persons, one & Other ⅲ that ship; it is said there was ⅲ all an 180 persons ⅲ the ship, SO they were packed togeather like herings. They had amongst them the fluxe, and allso wante 0f fresh water; SO it is hear rather wondred at that SO many are alive, then that SO many are dead. The marchants hear say it was Mr. BIackweIIs faulte tO pack SO many ⅲ the ship; yea, & ther were great mutterings & repinings amongst them, and upbraiding 0f Mr. Blackwell'. The sympathy 0f Bradford and the Pilgrims was tempered however because Blackwell had broken faith with them, and although 'an elder of the church at Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them. He declined from the trueth'. lt was this which ・ brought so great dishonour to God, scandall to the trueth, & outward ruine to them selves ⅲ this world'. Even prior t0 this, ⅲ England, Blackwell had acted dishonorably by denying his involvement ⅲ the Pilgrim cause and accusing another man ⅲ his stead; Blackwell 'very unworthily betrayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, that SO he might slip his own neck out 0f the co Ⅱ , & t0 obtaine his owne freedome brought others into bonds' The lesson of the ill-fated ship was not lost on the Pilgrims. lndeed, it was considered 'Of instruction & good use . 盟 persistence of the PiIgrims eventually pald 0 At last'after 心 these 9 June, 1619 thmgs, and their long attendance, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed under the Companies seale'. They had permission 仕 om the 37 Dockside arguments between the Pilgrims 0 れ d the 刃れ gl ん commercial entrepreneurs レ〃 der g the voyage delayed the 〃。 r 0 d t ん 0 ed undermine the 〃 e 市 0 ル
づけ、ふと顔を上げるとアゼック社の視界がさえぎられていた。 オレンジ色の大型トレ 1 ラーが本社ビルに横づけされている。車体に描かれた運送業者の 派手なロゴマークが刑事の視線をふさぎ、五階建てビルの一階正面部分は完全に見えなくな っていた。 「そこは駐禁だぞ、このバカ」彼は毒づき、フロントガラスに身を乗り出した。 森沢には最齧が起きているのかわからなかった。そのうち彼は様子がおかしいことに気 づいた。トレーラーの後部扉が開けられ、その付近では作 k 服姿がちらちらしている。若い 刑事は必死になって目を凝らした。目の前の光景を理解したとたん、彼は仰天した。運送業 者の作禾員が段ボ 1 ル箱をトレーラ 1 に積みこんでいる。オレンジ色の k 服にまじってア ゼック社の社員らしい者も荷物を運んでいた。 「あいつら引っ越しするつもりだ ! 」 索森沢は寝ている先輩を揺り起こし、急いで通話マイクを手に取った。 章頭上では赤色灯がぎらっき、サイレンが鳴りひびいている。前方の車はのろのろと歩道沿 四 ) こ避け、一一台のパトカーに道をあけていった。 第し冫、 柴崎は後部座席からフロントガラスの前方をにらんでいた。一刻も早くアゼック社に向か わないと連中は証拠物件の全部をどこかに運び出してしまう。段ボ 1 ル箱につめられている
じや自己資金がたつぶりとある最優良企業の見本ね」 「だけどそんなことはありえない話だ」 「やつばりそう思う ? 」 「籍入業だけで自社ビルがドーンと建ったら正規の輸入総代理店は反乱を起こすだろう な。総代理店なんてバカくさいことはやめてみんな籍入に走る」 「だから、アゼック社はうす気味が悪い」 「でね、そいつの正体を調べてみたんだ。段ボール箱を引っくり返して」 「何かわかった ? 「うすばんやりと。どうも、あの会社はひとつだけじゃない気がする」 「ひとつじゃないって、アゼック社がいくつもあるっていうの」 「まさか」高井は苦笑した。 「連結財務だよ」 「連結」水島は答えをもとめるように同僚弁護士の顔を見た。 「それ、財務諸表の連結のこと ? 」 財務諸表ー、・・、・・、貸借対照表や損益計算書といった財務関係の書類はいわば会社の成績表だ。 この成績表は一般投資家がろくでもない会社に金をつぎこんで大損しないように警告する役 目をもっている。会社にまともな財産があるか、はたして利益はきちんと出ているのか、こ