68 ISO 9001 resources needed a) t0 implement and maintain the quality man- agement system and continually improve its effectiveness, and b) tO enhance customer satisfaction by meeting customer reqtllrements. 6.2 Human resources 6.2.1 General Personnel performing work affecting conformity t0 product requlrements shall be competent 0 Ⅱ the basis 0f appropriate education, training, skills and experlence. NOTE Conformity to product requirements can be affected directly or indirectly by personnel per- forming any task within the quality management system. 6.2.2 Competence, training and awareness The organization shall a) determine the necessary competence for per- sonnel performing work affecting conformity t0 product reqmrements,
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454 劭叩 r27 The Q for S ⅲ D 叩 me species would exceed any possible compensation our generation would be willing tO Offer. Given this uncertainty about the preferences Of future generations, one strategy would be tO incorporate species preservation intO our concept Of sustainability in order tO allOW future generations t0 make their own valuations. With this approach, strategies that lead tO species extinction would simply be infeasible, regardless Of the net-benefit calculations. The interests of future generations would be protected by preserving their options rather than by attempt- ing tO second-guess their preferences. Adjusting the national income accounts would be another immediate implication Of the sustainability principle. The income accounts must conform with the Hicksian definition Of 加 CO 襯 e. A11 0f the costs, including the depreciation 0f natural capital, should be subtracted from the gross receipts in producing a national income figure. Failure tO dO this, as is the cur- rent practice, provides very misleading signals tO the public sector. These misleading signals provide powerful incentives for public figures tO engage in economic activities that violate the sustainability principle. The lnformation PrincipIe. PoIIs generally show that, regardless of their social circumstances, people care about the environment and are willing tO commit resources tO itS preservation. TO energize and focus that reservoir Of goodwill, however, it iS necessary tO assure that the citizens are informed. Recognizing the wisdom Of this simple observation has paved the way for a new set Of strategies designed tO improve citizen participation in environmental policy. lmplementing the 加ん rm われ principle can take a number Of forms. ln some countries, it has meant increasing the freedom Of the press tO report on environmental matters. ln others, it has meant providing better access tO government records that reveal the quantities and types 0f pollutants being injected int0 the air and water. lt can alSO mean labeling "green" products tO allow environmentally conscious con- sumers t0 use that characteristic as one element 0f their choice. 'DoIphin-safe tuna" provides a classic example Of hOW this approach has been used quite successfully. One Of the appeals Of information strategies is their ability to achieve results when more traditional approaches prove inadequate. ln many developing countries, for example, human and financial resources are SO scarce as tO preclude traditional regulatory approaches to pollu- tion control. FortunateIy, that does not necessarily mean that pollution goes uncontrolled. Appropriately designed information strategies may result in significant pollution control, even in the absence Of traditional monitoring and enforcement (Example 21.4 ). ◆ FORCED TRAN ON Let's SUPPOSe that current levels ofwelfare were shown to be unsustainable and that an imme- diate transition tO a new, lower standard Of living were necessary to protect future genera- tions. Let's suppose further that a "guided forced transition" would be less painful than a laissez-faire forced transition. How could that more abrupt transition be negotiated? The most concrete proposals for a forced transition to the steady state come from Her- man Daly, an economist with the University of Maryland. 18 Daly is very sympathetic to the 18Herman E. Daly, & - S ね Eco れ 0 襯た s (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1977 ). Expanded 2nd edition published by lsland Press, 1991.
川レ砿 0 〃〃ルれ褫否 441 One study, undertaken by Stephen Meyer, examines whether those states in the United states that have StriCter environmental standards show better or poorer economic performance. 13 ln general, he finds that states with the more stringent standards have experienced the best eco- nomic performance. Unfortunately, it is difficult to tell whether the results of Meyer's study reflect the Porter hypothesis at work or something as simple as the fact that stagnant states dO not enact stringent regulations. Taken in its entirety, this evidence suggests that environmental regulations are not a major determinant Of either firm-location decisions or the direction of trade. This implies that reasonable environmental regulations should not be held hostage to threats that P01- luters will leave the area, taking their jobs with them. With few exceptions, firms that are going tO move will move anyway, whereas firms that are not going to move will tend to stay where they are—whatever the regulatory environment. AIthough the foregoing argument suggests that the starkest claims against the environ- mental effects of free trade do not bear up under close scrutiny, it would be equally wrong to suggest that opening borders tO freer trade always produces a gain in efficiency and/or sus- tainability. One example of how freer trade intensifies environmental problems involves the effect of removing trade barriers when some nations (presumably, those in the less developed south) have poorly defined property rights, whereas others (primarily in the industrialized north) seek to import their resources or products made from those resources. Chichilnisky has shown that, in this kind of situation, the "tragedy of the commons" can become greatly intensified by freer trade. 14 Because of the poorly defined property rights in the exporting nations, the importing nations are encouraged ()y artificially low prices) to greatly expand their consumption Of the underpriced resources. ln thiS scenari(), trade intensifies environ- mental problems by increasing the pressure on common-property resources and hastening their degradation. The most desirable solution in this case is not to prevent trade, but rather tO assure that the resources are protected by adequate property-rights regimes. On the other hand, if establishing 叩 propriate property-rights regimes is not politically feasible, other means Of protecting the resources must be found. ◆ A MENU 0 ー OPPORTUNITIES ls sustainable development just an unrealistic attempt tO provide false hope in the face of a rather bleak future? Human nature being what it is, we need to have hope. When the sit- uation is hopeless, the natural human tendency is tO create scenarios that Offer the illu- sion Of hope. IS sustainable development one Of those scenarios? Or can reasonable, skeptical people find grounds for believing in the existence Of new forms Of development that can raise living standards while respecting bOth the environment and the rights Of future generations? 13Stephen M. Meyer, "Environmentalism and Economic Prosperity: Testing the EnvironmentalImpact Hypothesis," M. I. T. Working P 叩 er, Cambridge,MA. , 1993. 14Graciela Chichilnisky, "North-South Trade and the G10bal Environment," 襯催たロれ ECO れ 0 襯た犬盟 84 ( 1994 ) : 851 ー 874.
218 劭叩 r ノ 2 窺 0 市既 Co 襯襯 c ん Species Protecting habitat is not enough, however, when the species becomes commercially valu- able. Commercially valuable species are like a double-edged sword. ()n the one hand' the. Of the species tO humans provides a reason for human concern about its future. On the Other hand, commercially exploited biological resources can also be depleted if not managed effec- tively. lf, through human activities, the population is drawn down beyond a critical threshold' even commercially valuable species can become extinct. Extinction, though important, is not the only critical renewable-resource-management issue. If it were, public policy could concentrate on avoiding extinction and not concern itself with any Other outcome. Biological populations belong tO a class Of renewable resources we will call 加 ct か召 - SO c , wherein the size 0f the resource stock ()O ulatiO nined jointly by biological considerations and by actions taken Y society. The size 0f the POP- ulation, in turn, determines the availability Of resources for the future. humanity's actions determine the flOW Of these resources over time. Because this flOW is not purely a nat- ural phenomenon, a second crucial dimension iS the optimum rate Of use time and across generations. What iS the efficient rate Of use Of interaCtiVe renewable resources•? ln the absence Of outside influences, can the market be relied upon tO achieve and sustain this rate? Using the fishery as a case study, we begin bY defining what is meant bY the e 市 c / 例日ツ砿 ん耀 e from a fishery; we can then examine hOW well our economic and political institutions meet the efficiency test. we then consider hOW economic incentive systems can be used tO assure sustainable harvests. Finally, we examine hOW another type Of commercial opportunitY' that associated with ecotourism, can be used for protection Of certain specific types 0f wildlife. ◆ EFFICIENT HARVESTS The 0 ( Dimension Like many Other studies, our characterization Of the fishery rests on a biological model origi- nally proposed by Schaefer. 1 The Schaefer model posits a particular average ・•elationship between the growth 0f the fish P 叩ålåtion-andthe size Ofthe fish population. This is an aver- age relationship in the sense that it abstracts from such influences as water temperature and the age structure Of the population. The model, therefore, does not attempt tO characterize the fishery on a day-to-day basis, but rather in terms Of some long-term average in which these various random influences tend t0 counterbalance each 0ther (Figure 12.1 ). The size Of the population is represented on the horizontal axis and the growth Of the population on the vertical axis. The graph suggests that there is a range 0f population sizes (S to (*) where population growth increases as the population increases and a range ()* to S) where initial increases in population lead tO eventual declines in growth. We can shed further light on this relationship by examining more closely the 0 points S and S where the function intersects the horizontal axis and, therefore, growth in the stock is zero. S is known as the れル I eq ″″″襯 because it is the population size that would per- sist in the absence Of outside influences. Reductions in the stock because Of mortality or out- migration would be exactly offset by increases in the stock because Of births, growth of the fish in the remaining stock, and in-migration. IM. D. Schaefer, "Some Considerations of Population Dynamics and Economics in Relation to the Management of Marine Fisheries, ”面″記矼 2 おなん邵 / e ch 召 0 砿 C れ 14 ( 1957 ) : 669 ー 81.
8 劭叩 r 7 防豆 0 砿 eF ″ル better life, and toward lower prices for raw materials (including f00d and energy)' should not con- tinue indefinitely. [P. 345 ] The Nature of the ModeI What concepts Of how the world works underlie this optimistic vision? Simon's argument is founded on two main tenets. First, his reading Of the evidence suggests that' historicallY' human resourcefulness has always overcome bOth scarcities Of and problems associated with economic activity. second, he finds no compelling reason that this trend cannot continue indefinitely intO the future. To bolster his argument, Simon offers several observations that are documented in this bOOk: ・ The amount of land being committed t0 agriculture is still increasing. Even where it is decreasing (). g. , in the United states), agricultural production has increased. FOOd production is therefore not likely tO be a limiting factor. ・ contrary tO popular belief, natural resources have scarce time. Apparent shortages are due more t0 (correctable!) problems with human behavior than t0 any physicallack 0f availability. ・ Pollution levels have declined as populations and incomes have increased. Pollution is not the inevitable consequence Of economic activity; it results from SOCietal choices about hOW resources should be invested. What are the driving forces behind these outcomes? Simon suggests that our economic and, tO a lesser extent, political systems respond tO scarcity in ways that eliminate or diminish its impact. ln the language 0f industrial dynamics, negative feedbacks tO impending scarcity create a self-limiting process. Consider, for example, just one such feedback. lmpending scarcity triggers higher prices. Higher prices stimulate suppliers tO find more Of the resource. They also stimulate users tO use less, tO search for alternative (perhaps renewable) inputs. B0th Of these reactions tend t0 dimin- ish the scarcity. lndeed, Simon's analysis suggests that these reactions have been SO powerful that usable supplies Of many resources are more abundant now than they were several decades ago! Simon's optimism also extends tO pollution. Pollution levels decline with higher income because b0th the demand for better environmental quality and the ability tO pay for it increase With income. lt therefore fOllOWS that one Of the consequences Of rising incomes iS a decline in pollution. (Some Of these pollution-income relationships were quantified by the World Bank in 1992 ; the study results are presented as Figure 1.2. ) Simon expects a continuation Of these trends, because the one resource on WhiCh all future activity ultimately depends—the ultimate resource—is not limited. ln his words: The natural world allows, and the developed world promotes through the marketplace, responses to human needs and shortages in such a manner that one backward step leads t0 1.001 steps forward, or thereabouts. That's enough t0 keep us headed in a life-sustaining direction. The main fuel tO speed our progress is our stock 0f knowledge, and the brake is our lack 0f imagination. The ulti- mate resource is people—skilled, spirited, and hopeful pe 叩厄 wh0 will exert their wills and imagi- nations for their own benefit, and so, inevitably, for the benefit 0f us all.
280 劭叩 r 7 イ S ″ 0 れ彑 - So ″尾 e ん oc 〃リれ Using the $ 1 million figure for a human life, the results (Table 14.3 ) indicate that for all three pollutants the standard BAT strategy would yield negative net benefits. The combination Of uniform standards with a very stringent level Of control produces a situation where the costs exceed the benefits. A relaxed uniform standard reduces, but does not eliminate, the nega- tive net benefits. Although lowering the uniform degree Of control represents an improve- ment in the sense that costs are more commensurate with benefits, it still fails tO target the reductions in the areas where they result in the most reduction in risk. By configuring the controls so as tO target the costs on those emitters posing the greatest risk tO human health (the differential strategy), a dramatic improvement in net beneflts is achieved for all three pollutants. However, for only one, coke oven emissions, are the net benefits positive. For the rest, even the differential strategy falls short 0f being justified bY the benefits. The significance 0f these data lies less in what they tell us about the correct regulatory OPtion tO choose for these specific pollutants than in the clues they provide concerning directions for policy movement in order tO achieve greater efficiency in regulating hazardous pollutants in gen- eral. First, tailoring the strategy tO the specific circumstances can produce significant reductions in COSt while achieving the same nsk, or it can achieve much larger riSk reductions for the same cost. Uniformity, in short, imposes a large cost penalty. Second, the policies being pursued in reg- ulating hazardous pollutants imply values for human life that differ by a factor 0f more than 100. This finding implies that by allocating more resources tO the control 0f those substances that can be justified with even a lower value of life and less t0 those that can be justified only with a high value for life, more lives could be saved with the same expenditure Of money. HOW can these lessons be translated intO policy? One answer is tO consider the adoption 0f a charge levied not on emission, but rather on exposure (Example 14.3 ). By forcing those emitters exposing large numbers Of people tO a health risk tO exert greater cleanup efforts than those emitters exposing fewer people tO the same health risk, more lives can be saved, with the same expenditure Of resources. ln this context, uniform exposure charges have much tO recommend them. Em 0n5 Fees Recognizing that the bulk 0f enforcement activity falls on the states and wanting t0 provide increased funds for that endeavor without increasing the federal budget deficit, the U. S. Congress incorporated a system 0f fees on polluters in Title V 0f the Clean Air Act. 21 Just as economists fO 「 a VaIue Of Life Saved Of $ 1 MiIIion TABLE 14.3 Net Benefits ($Million/Year) of Alternative Strategies 21Section 502 ( b ) ( 3 ). Best available technology Relaxed uniform Differential ー 2.2 ー 0.6 Co ん 0 ″例 E 襯わ ー 3.2 ー 2.3 ー 28.8 Source: From "Benefits Assessment and Environmental ReguIation: Case Studies of Hazardous Air Pollutants" by John A. Haigh, David Harrison, Jr. , and AIbert L. Nichols. John F. Kennedy School of Government Energy and Environment Policy Center Discussion P 叩 er E -83-07 (August 1983 ). Reprinted by permission.
10 6 Resource management 6.1 ProviS10n Of resources ・ 6.2 Human resources 6.3 lnfrastructure ・ 6.4 envn•onment 7 Pro duct re aliz ation 7.1 Planning of product realization 7.2 Customer-related processes 7.3 Design and development 7.4 Purchasing 7.5 Production proxv.nslon 7.6 Control of monitoring and measuring e qu1P m ent 8 Measurement, analysis and lmprovement 8.1 General 8.2 Monitoring and measurement 8.3 ControI of nonconforming product 8.4 AnaIysis of data 8.5 lmprovement Annexe S A (informative) Correspondence between ISO 9001 : 2008 and ISO 14001 : 2004 、 6 C.D 8 0 りワ 1 ワ 1 、 6 0 0 4 ・ 102 ・ 106 ・ 106 ・ 108 ・ 116 ・ 118 ・ 120 ・ 126
420 C ん叩 20 D ツ叩襯 54 P 側催 , and 2 E れ ro れ襯例ー accounts, indistinguishable from devel 叩 ment strategies that dO not depreciate the natural capital stock; the returns from bOth are treated as income. Consider an analogy. Many high-quality private educational institutions in the United states have large financial endowments. ln considering their budgets for the year, these institu- tions take the revenue from tuition and 0ther fees and add in some proportion Of the interest and capital gains earned from the endowment. Except in extraordinary circumstances however' standard financial practice does not allow the institution tO attack the principal• Drawing down the endowment and treating thiS increase in financial as iS allowed. However, that is precisely what the traditional national accounts allow us tO dO in terms Of natural resources. we can deplete our SOiIS, cut and with Oil, and the resulting economic activity is treated as income, not as a decline in the endowment Of natural capital. Because the Hicksian definition is violated for natural capital, policymakers are misled. By relying upon misleading information, policy makers are more likely tO undertake unsus- tainable development strategies. Adjusting the national income accounts tO 叩 PIY the Hicksian definition uniformly tO human-made and natural c 叩 ital could make quite a difference in resource-dependent coun- tries. For example, RObert Repett0 and colleagues 0f the World Resources lnstitute studied the growth rates 0f gross domestic product in lndonesia using b0th conventional unadjusted figures and figures adjusted tO account for the depreciation Of natural capital. Their study found that, whereas the unadjusted GDP increased at an average annual rate Of 7.1 percent from 1971 to 1984 , the adjusted estimates rose by only 4.0 percent per year. 14 M0tivated by a recognition Of these serious flaws in the current system Of accounts, a number Of industrialized countries have now proposed (or, in a few cases, have already set up) systems 0f adjusted accounts. lncluded among these countries are Norway, France, Canada, J 叩 an, the Netherlands, Germany, and the United States. Significant differences 0f opinion on such issues as whether the changes should be incorporated in a complementary system Of accounts or in a complete revision Of the standard accounts remain tO be resolved. ln the United States the Bureau 0f Economic Analysis has published its initial estimates of the value 0f the U. S. stock 0f minerals—oil, gas, and coal, as well as nonfuel minerals—and how the value Of that stock ()n constant dollars) has changed over time. 15 The objective was tO determine whether current use patterns are consistent with the constant-value version Of the sustainability criterion. Declining values would indicate a violation Of the criterion, whereas constant or increasing values would be compatible with it. ln general, it found that the value 0f additions just about offsets the value 0f the depletion; for the period 1958 ー 1991 , its esti- mates suggest that the criterion was not violated. Alternative Me su 肥 5 Because revised accounts are not yet available, we cannot use them tO assess the relationship between growth and economic well-being. But the question won't go away, so we have to do the best we can with what information is available. 14Robert Repetto, "Nature's Resources as Productive Assets," C んれ ge 32 , No. 5 (September/October 1989 ) : 16 ー 20. 15Bureau Of Economic AnaIysis, "Accounting for Mineral Resources: lssues and BEA's lnitial Estimates," S 砿 C レ″例ー召加 e. (April 1994 ) : 50 ー 72.
40 劭叩 r3 / 叩 the E れ ro れ襯 2 れた Me 肱 0 ホ The simple answer, Of course, is that life is priceless but that turns out tO be not very helpful. Because the resources used tO prevent IOSS Of life are scarce' choices must be made. The economic approach tO valuing lifesaving reductions in risk is tO calcu- late the change in the probability Of death resulting from the reduction in environmental risk and t0 place a value on the change. Thus, it is not life itself that is being valued but rather a reduction in the probability that some segment Of the population could be expected tO die ear- lier than otherwise. lt is possible t0 translate the value derived from this procedure in an "implied value Of human life. " This is accomplished bY dividing the amount each individual is willing t0 pay for a specific reduction in the probability 0f death bY the probability reduction. SUPPOS% for example, that a particular environmental POlicy could be expected tO reduce the average con- centration Of a toxic substance tO which one million people are exposed. SUPPOSe further that this reduction in exposure could be expected t0 reduce the risk 0f death from 1 out 0f 100 , 000 t0 1 out 0f 150 , 000. This implies that the number 0f expected deaths would fall from 10 t0 6.67 in the exposed population as a result Of this policy. If each Of the one million persons exposed is willing t0 pay $ 5 for this risk reduction (for a total 0f $ 5 million)' then the implied value of a life is approximately $ 1.5 million ( $ 5 million divided bY ー 3.33 レ What actual values have been denve from these methods? A survey (Viscusi, 1996 ) 0f a large number 0f studies examining reductions in a number Of life-threatening risks found that most implied values for human life ()n 1986 dollars) were between $ 3 million and $ 7 mil- lion. This same survey went on tO suggest that the most 叩 propriate estimates were probably closer tO the $ 5 million estimate. ln Other words, all government programs resulting in risk reductions costing less than $ 5 million would be justified in benefit-cost terms. Those costing more might or might not be justified, depending on the appropriate value 0f a life saved in the particular risk context being examined. HOW have health, safety and environmental regulations lived up t0 this recommendation? TabIe 3.2 suggests, not very well. A very large number 0f regulations listed in that table could be justified only if the value 0f a life saved were much higher than the upper value 0f $ 7 million. lssues ⅲ Benefit Es 黼 m 黼 0n3 The analyst charged with the responsibility for performing a benefit-cost analysis encounters many decision POints requiring judgment. If we are tO understand benefit-cost analysis, the nature Of these judgments must be clear in our minds. Primary Versus Secondary Effects. Environmental projects usually trigger b0th primary and secondary consequences. For example, the primary effect Of cleaning a lake will be an increase in recreational uses Of the lake. This primary effect will cause a further ripple effect on services provided tO the increased number 0f users Of the lake. Are these secondary benefits tO be counted? The answer depends upon the employment conditions in the surrounding area. If this increase in demand results in employment Of previously unused resources, such as labor, the 3This section relies heavily on Peskin, Henry M. and Eugene Seskin, CO 豆 - B 例 e れ記彑 s なイⅢ e た PO ″われ Co れ〃 0 / 物″ c. 彑 (Washington, D ℃ . : The Urban lnstitute, 1975 ).