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THE HOUSE OF GUCCI ザ・ハウス・オブ・グッチ


THE HOUSE 0 、 GUCCI

THE HOUSE OF GUCCI ザ・ハウス・オブ・グッチ


装 幀 ー ー 坂 野 公 一 (welle カ バ ー 写 真 一 一 一 SuperStock / PPS 通 信 社 / Gucci 5th Avenue, New York City, USA ◎ THE HOUSE OF GUCCI by Sara Gay Forden THE HOUSE ()F GUCCI. Copyright ◎ 2000 by Sara Gay Forden. AII rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. 、 0 part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information address HarperCoIIins PubIishers lnc. 10 East 53rd Street, New York, NY 10022. ◎ Japanese translation rights arranged with Sara Forden c/o The Ellen Levine Literary Agency, New York through TuttIe-Mori Agency, lnc. , Tokyo ◎

THE HOUSE OF GUCCI ザ・ハウス・オブ・グッチ


目 欠 THE 0 ( ジ E ()F GUCCI

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


OF THE MAKING OF BOOKS / 99 WindO 、 and which would receive the largest advertismg pro 一 0t10n. As the volume 0f sales grew, they were able t0 0ffer such large dis- counts on hardcover best-sellers—usually 35 percent—that hardcov- ers could now be marketed much like mass paperbacks, but with much greater profit on each b00k sold. Like any supermarket, the chain bookstore reserved its preclous shelf space for products that moved. That meant brisk sellers; books that didn't move were packed up and sent back, usually within a few weeks. Anywhere from 20 to 40 percent of books 、 'sold" to book- stores wind up unsold, and the publisher bears the loss. ln the trade- bOOk divisions, manuscrlpts were read with the requirements Of the glant retail distributors in mind. Brand-name authors, formula fic- tion, and celebrity biographies were the staples 0f the industry. TO some extent they always had been, but now the "big b00k" became much more Of an investment. The Newhouse empire, Rupert Mur- doch, and Robert MaxwellcouId provide a Random House or Harper or Macmillan with the cash to play in this high-stakes game. With a few notable exceptions, independent publishers without a corpora- tion awash in cash behind them could not. The chains wielded enough power over the publishers to force them tO commit themselves tO huge first printings SO that the stores would not risk being out of stock of a hit book even for a few days. The titles that didn't turn out tO be hits were returned—sometimes ln the hundreds of thousands—to end their short lives as pulp. The exact dimenslons 0f the mountain 0f pulp produced by Ronald Rea- gan's autobiography and speeches, for which he was paid a reported $ 8 million, unknown. The new dimensions of the book market have done much to change the culture of bookmaking at every stage of the process. Authors are now coached in television techniques preparation for their coast- to-coast tours. ln more and more cases, the author's good lOOkS or mastery Of the art Of the sound bite iS more important for selling the bOOk than its contents. TV promos are carefully designed tO excite bookstore buyers and TV-show publicists. But the first audience, and from a commercial standpoint the most important, is the sales force, which must be revved up to sell books few of them will ever read. Some editors resort tO stunts tO push their bOOkS. At Random House the editor of the life story of the founder of Domino's Pizza ordered pizzas for 135 sales representatives, and they arrived in exactly thirty nunutes as promised. 14 At another house an editor passed out break-

The Best Software Writing I. Selected and Introduced by Joel Spolsky


WHY THE LUCKY STIFF 279 us. Of course, Ruby has to have an understanding of how to make a door—as well as a wealth of timber, lumberjacks, and those long, W1g- gily, two-man saws. 040 ・ め 4 4 乙 chv 0 り . 64 ( Global Variables Variables that begin with a dollar sign, are global. $x, $ 1 , $chunky, and $CHunKY bAC0n are examples. MOSt variables are rather temporary ln nature. some parts of your program are like little houses. You walk in and they have their own varl- ables. ln one house, you may have a dad that represents Archie, a traveling salesman and skeleton collector. ln another house, dad could represent Peter, a lion tamer with a great love for flannel. Each house has lts own meaning for dad. 気 h global variables, you can be guaranteed that the variable is the same in every little house. The dollar sign is very appropriate. Every American home respects the value of the dollar. We're crazy for the stuff. Try knocking on any door in America and hand them cash. I can guar- antee you won't get the same reaction if you knock on a door and offer Peter, a lion tamer with a great love for flannel. GIobaI variables can be used anywhere in your program. They never go out 0f sight. lnstance Variables Variables that begin with an at symbol are instance variables. @x, @y, and @only the chunkiest cut of bacon I have ever seen are examples.

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


142 / GLOBAL DREAMS of Bertelsmann's worldwide business, the unlicensed copyrng of tapes, records, videos, and films iS rampant. NOt SO long ago hit songs were routinely pirated all over the Third World. Even in China, says Gassner, they 'pirated and copied like hell and traded tapes through underground channels. " According to a Bertelsmann in- house publication, in the People's Republic "hundreds of millions of dollars each year are siphoned away from the major labels and their artlStS. But Other ASian governments, antlcipating lmportant revenues from the record business, have begun tO crack down. Singapore, a small island republic of malls and assembly plants, is totally depen- dent on exports. lts authoritarian government has gone out Of its way tO cooperate with the musrc giants by enacting a draconian copyright law that provides for five-year jail sentences and $ 50 , 000 fines for possesslon Of pirated tapes with intent tO sell. Teenagers can earn up to $ 150 by acting as informants for the police. But such laws work only as well as the 10Ca1 culture permits. ln many parts of the world the tradition is that music belongs tO the community, and an edict tO treat a song as a piece of property is greeted by ordinary people with puzzlement and anger. lndustry executives now pronounce Singapore and Hong Kong, once the headquarters Of Asian piratlng operations, tO be "clean. " SO are Malaysia and lndonesia. Bertelsmann has operations in the l)hil- ippines and Thailand, which no one yet claims are "clean," and is planning tO set up compames in Taiwan, Korea, and lndonesia. AS one executlve at ・ Warner put it, the new concern about property rights among ASian governments 、 'means that we can sell intO a market that a few years ago we couldn't sell to at a Ⅱ . " 8 But illegal copying Of audiO- and videotapes continues all over the world, in- cluding the countries pronounced tO be "clean. " performances Of Madonna films and videos are taken 0 仟 television sets and 1 ()Vle - house screens in lndia; the copies, still fuzzy but less SO as the tech- nology 0f piracy improves, are sold by the hundreds of thousands. The localtape industry, which offers lndian music and pirated global pop music, has taken 0 圧 ln South Korea about 85 percent of the 30 , 000 video shops in the country openly stocked pirated tapes as recently as 1990. A com- mercialtape sells for $ 27 , a pirated version for half. Richard O'Neill, a former Green Beret WhO received a Silver Star and SiX Bronze stars in the Vietnam 嶬 信 r , now hunts video pirates in Korea on behalf 0f the Motion Picture Export Association of America. By leading the

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


OF THE MAKING 0F B00KS / 91 rounds, selling what they promised t0 be next year's best-sellers t0 book clubs and reprint houses around the world. Bantam had bought The Q ″ た 4 〃 d 舫 生 / ag ″ by the Nobel Prize winner Murray Gell- Mann, a bOOk destined for even 1 れ ore commercial success, SO 1tS promoters claimed, than Stephen Hawking's A B イ H な 0 一 石 川 ビ . (。 、 I will take the reader further, reaching for answers that people really want," the distinguished physicist promised. )2 This was a "big book" of the fair, along with Katharine Hepburn's memoirs, and publishers from around the world eagerly bid for the foreign rights. (Gell-Mann's manuscript was eventually rejected and has yet to ap- pear in print. ) The publishing industry has been transformed in the last thirty years as a result Of a four-stage process Of consolidation. First, be- ginning in the 1960S large corporations not previously in the print business began t0 acquire publishers 0f textbooks. These were mostly electronics-based conglomerates such as IBM, ITT, Litton, Westing- house, Xerox, and GTE. The education market was growing rapidly as the baby-boom generation poured intO the SChOOlS and govern- ment was spending more money on SChOOIS and universlties. The makers Of computers and related electronic hardware were convinced that the computer would be universally accepted as a prrmary teach- ing tool, and they figured that if they also controlled the textbook software, they could dominate another huge government-subsidized market. Then in the 1970S mass-communications companies began buying up publishers 0f "trade" books, as b00ks 0f general interest are known in the industry. RCA, which owned NBC at the time, t00k over Random House, CBS picked up H01t, Rinehart & Winston, and Gulf & ・ Western, which has since become a media conglomerate, started 0 幵 in this direction by buying Simon & Schuster. By the beginning of the 1980S only a handful 0f independent trade-book publishers remained. 、 lOSt Of these mergers, however, were ahead Of their tlme. The hardware companies and TV networks had little understanding of publishing. They looked for quick profits, and 3 mostly failed. The third stage in the takeover by large corporations of what had traditionally been a small and quirky business began when the own- ers Of the television networks, with mounting troubles Of their own, decided to unload their publishing acquisitions. A few U. S. -based print-media companies picked them up. ln 1980 Newhouse, the

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


278 / GLOBAL DREAMS and other parts of the country based on the influx of advanced high- tech hardware factorres and informatl()n software Ⅵ ℃ re models for the renewal of the American economy as a whole. But by the end of the decade many of these"miracles" had lost their luster. California and the East Coast industrial corridor were hit hard in the recession of the early 1990S , while enclaves within the old Midwest 。 、 RustbeIt" that had diversified their manufacturing bases and were now producing specialized industrial products for export were doing better than the rest of the country. 4 As the impact of the new global production system began tO be felt, the fissures dividing the winners and losers grew deeper. The "gales of creative destruction," as the economist Joseph Schumpeter termed the processes of capitalist change, could sweep through a neighborhood as a gentle breeze or an ill wind, depending on whether people who lived or worked there found themselves in or out 研 the prospering sectors of the global economy. Arcane matters of trade suddenly became highly charged political lssues. AS hundreds Of thousands of American autoworkers lost their jobs, a few vented their anger by kicking in Honda fenders. Matt Darcy, a ChevroIet salesman from Garden City, Michigan, was ln- terviewed on 60 M お and said he had qualms about urging cus- tomers tO buy American products when they were inferior to what foreign competitors were Offering. He was summarily fired for dis- loyalty to his car and country. 4 Some U. S. politicians attempted to capitalize on public anger about the loss of American jobs by resort- ing tO V00d00 ; one congressman tOOk a sledgehammer to a Toshiba television set, and the picture flashed across the world via CNN. From Japan came return fire, some from prominent political per- sonalities who raised the decibel level: The world's sole remaining superpower was suffering from a lazy, illiterate, mongrelized work force run by avar1C1011S executlves wh() paid themselves fat salaries for producing shoddy products. Such America-bashing remarks cir- culating in Japan had a good chance of being instantly picked up in the United States, and on one occaslon when this happened senator Ernest F. Hollings of South Carolina told a group of cheering Amer- lcan factory workers tO send the Japanese a picture of a mushroom cloud with the message underneath it:' 、 Made in America by lazy and ” 48 illiterate Americans and tested in Japan. Just as the mayor Of Chicago in the 1920S used to run against King George V, now White House aspirants ran against Toyotas. 、 'Buy American" became the

GLOBAL DREAMS. IMPERIAL CORPORATIONS AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER


98 / GLOBAL DREAMS American market is not only huge but it is, as AlbertO the head 0f Random House, puts it, 。 、 homogeneous. '' Popular attitudes are more 、 monolithic," he argues, because lifestyles are shared class lines. The millionarre with forty-five acres and the clerk with a patch 0f green behind his tract house both care about their gardens in the same way. ThiS makes it easier, he says, tO sell bOOkS tO a wide public. III. ln the mid-1970s a revolution t00k place in what had been the weak- est link of the book business, retail distribution. Shopping malls were sprouting all over the United and national chains Of retail bookstores were put together tO take advantage Of a new mass cli- entele. The largest of them was Waldenb00ks, a division 0f the phe- nomenally successful Kmart stores; by the end 0f the 1980S it had more than 1 , 250 bookshops around the country. The relocation 0f bookstores to the sites of America's great spending spree 0f the 1980S did wonders for the visibility and sales 0f general-interest books and the character Of bookstores was transformed. The idea behind the chains was to market"consumer ” books like any other product using sophisticated merchandising techniques. The chains discovered that not only could they make best-sellers by con- centrating on stocking authors in large quantlties but they could change the meaning 0f best-seller. Before the rise 0f the chains, even blockbuster novels could not aspire tO sales Of more than 350 , 000 hardcover copies, and commercial success on that scale was a rarity. ln the 1980S a few 0f the biggest best-sellers, thanks t0 their promotion by the chains, were selling a million or more copies in hardcover. The rise of the chains, as Robert Gottlieb, who was president 0f Knopf for many years, explains, had the effect 0f shifting responsi- bility for marketing from the publisher to the retailer. Old-fashioned publishers considered it their primary task tO convey their personal enthusiasm for their bOOkS, first tO the bookstores and then tO the public. When the chains became bigger than the trade publishers, the chains took over this task. The chains decided which books they would feature, and because the orders were SO huge, the chains had the bargalnrng power t0 decide which titles would be displayed in the

Working Effectively with Legacy Code


Part I The Mechanics of Change The MechaniCS of Change