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1. アメリカの中学教科書で英語を学ぶ

What are X andY chromosomes? The 23rd pair of genes determines the sex of a baby. These are X and Y chromosomes.. A. 、 has t 、 MO x chromosomes, while a man has one X and one Y chromosome. When the chromosomes 」 oin together in fertilization, if the sperm contains an X chromosome, it will combine with the X chromosome of the female to produce XX—a girl. If the sperm contributes the Y chromosome, the baby will have one X and one Y chromosome and will be XY—a boy. What are dominant genes? Although genes from bOth parents are mixed together at fertilization, some genes have a more powerful effect than others. These dominant genes override the effects Of others, which are called recessive genes. For example, if a child has a gene for brown eyes 仕 om one parent and a gene for blue eyes om the other, the child will always have brown eyes. This is because the gene for brown eyes is a dominant gene. What is a mutation? Mutations are changes in the DNA inside a cell that affect the genes and chromosomes. Mutations arise because 0f errors in the DN. A molecule when it divides and re-forms in the new cells. When this h 叩 pens in sperm or egg cells, it causes changes that can be passed on t0 a child. The 叩 pearance of hemophilia is an example of a mutation in a single gene. 252

2. アメリカの中学教科書で英語を学ぶ

Genes are short sections Of a chror れ 0S01 れ e. Each gene carries the instructions for a specific charactenst1C, such as eye C010r , and each carries the instructions for making a protein that will form a part Of a living cell. Many 0f these genes work with other genes, so it is difficult t0 say what effects they will have. Scientists are currently studying all the genes in a human cell, which will give them the complete blueprint for a human being. What is Down's syndrome? Down S syndrome is a condition caused by the appearance Of an extra chromosome in the embryo. This extra chromosome is repeated in a11 the body cells. A child with Down's syndrome has 47 chromosomes instead 0f the usual 46 , and this difference causes physical and mental changes. HOW dO linherit genes from my parents? Sperms and egg cells contain only half of the normal number of chromosomes. During fertilization these chromosomes combine tO make 叩 the usual t0tal 0f 46 chromosomes. This means that half 0f a baby' s genetic information comes 行 om the mother and half om the father, mixing together their characteristics in a random order. ln this way you develop a mixture Of charactenstics om bOth parents. Are there such things as 'bad' genes? Some genes cause us tO inherit a harmful condition. The disease hemophilia is an example 0f such a 'bad' gene. lt is handed down through the male side 0f the family, but the disease is carried on the female, or X, chromosome. This means that women pass the disease on tO their sons, even though they are not affected themselves. Hemophilia will not affect a female unless b0th parents have the gene, WhiCh iS a very rare occurrence. 251 数 子 国 き五 表 外 業 歴 史 科

3. Environmental Economics and Policy

Ma れ加 0 2 T ″わ〃 453 development Of future products such as medicines or food crops. Typically, however, the nations that govern the forestland containing this biologically rich gene pool have not shared in the wealth created by the products derived from it. Currently, nations cutting down their tropical forests have little incentive to protect the gene pool harbored within those forests because they are unlikely to reap any of the rewards that will ultimately result. Exp10itation of the gene POOI and the economic rewards that result from it typically accrue only to those nations and those companies that can afford the extensive research. Recall our discussion Of the use Of royalties t() provide an return tO gene preservation. By establishing the principle that stipulated royalty payments would accrue to the nation from which the original genes were extracted, local incentives would become more compatible with glObal incentives. The SustainabiIity PrincipIe. According to the s 加房″〃 r 加 c , all resources should be used in a manner that respects the needs of future generations. Adopting the foregoing three principles would go a long way toward restoring efficiency. And restoring efficiency would set in motion the transition toward producing sustainable outcomes. As we have seen, however, restoring efficiency would not be sufficient. Other policies would be needed in order t0 satisfy the sustainability principle. Restoring intergenerational fairness in the use of depletable resources might be an 叩 pro- priate place tO start. AS the economic models have made clear, current incentives for sharing the wealth from the use Of depletable resources are biased toward the present, even in efficient markets. CIearIy, this could be rectified by transferring some 0f the created wealth int0 the future, but how much wealth? Salah EI Serafy has developed an ingenious, practical way tO answer this question. 17 CaIcuIate the present value 0f the net benefits received from the extraction Of a depletable resource over its usefullife. This becomes the wealth t0 be shared. Using standard annuity tables, calculate the constant annual payments that could be made from this fund forever. (ln essence, these payments represent the dividends and interest derived from the wealth; the principle would be left intact. ) This constant annual payment is what can be consumed from the wealth created from the depletable resources. Receipts in excess Of this amount ()n the years the resource is being extracted and sold) must be paid int0 the fund. All succeeding gen- erations receive the same annual payment; the payments continue forever. The payments could be invested in research rather than in instruments producing a financial return. Such a strategy might envision, for example, setting aside through taxation a certain proportion Of all proceeds from depletable resources for funding research on substi- tutes likely t0 be used by future generations. ln the case 0f fossil fuels, for example, one might subsidize research intO solar energy or the use Of hydrogen as a fuel SO that, as fossil fuels are depleted, future generations would have the ability tO switch tO alternative sources easily, without diminishing living standards in the process. Another adjustment would confront the possibility 0f species extinction. Compensating future generations for extinct species (the implicit strategy in an efficient allocation) may not be adequate. NOt only dO we not know the appropriate level Of compensation, it is possible that the preferences Of future generations would be such that the value Of the preserved 17Salah serafy, "Absorptive C 叩 acity, the Demand for Revenue, and the supply 0f Petroleum"' 2 面 m 記矼 E れ催硼 D el 叩襯例ー 7 , NO. 1 (autumn 1981 ) : Appendix A.

4. ニューセンチュリー和英辞典

解説 police は「機構としての警察」「警察官た ち」の両意で用いられ , いすれも通例 the を伴い複数 扱い . したがって , 「 5 人の警察官」は five po/ice [po/icemen, x po e 引 , 「一人の警察官」は a policeman, 正式には a police office 「となる . police force は特定の国・地域の機構としての警 察をいうコ aw は法の施行機関としての「警察 ( 官 , 官たち ) 」の意のロ語で , 単・複両扱い . 1 《警察 ( の ) + 名》警察学校 a po/ice school [academy]. ー警察官 ( 男性 ) a policeman; ( 女 性 ) a policewoman; ( 男女両方 ) 《やや書》 a po/ice officer ( ☆いずれもすべての階級をさすが , 前 の二つは特に巡査をいうことが多い ) ; an officer ( ☆ 最初の 2 語の上品語 . 呼びかけにも用いる ) ; 《英 書》 a (po/ice) constable ( ☆「巡査」をさす . 《英 話》 a bobby はこの語の愛称 ) ; 《話》 a c 叩 ()e 「 ). ー警察犬 a po/ice (tracker) d 。 g. - 警察手帳 a police handbook. ( ☆米国では警察の身分を示 すのは身分証明書とバッヂ (police office 「・ s ID [badge]) であるから「 ( 身分を示すため ) 警察手帳を 見せた」という文脈ではこの語は使えない ) - 警察国 家 apo/ice state. ( ☆軽蔑 ( つ的に ) ー警察署 ( 特 定地域の ) a po/ice station, 《米》 a station house; ( 本署 ) po 庇 e headquarters ( ☆単・複両 扱い ). ー警察署長 the chief of apo/ice station, a po/ice chief. - 警察庁 the National po/ice Agency. 警察の手が彼に回った The po/ice [/aw] caught up with him. 彼は警察沙汰 ( {) にしたくなかった He didn't want ()0 get) the po/ice involved. 2 《警察は [ を , に ] 》警察に届ける report to [( 書》 inform] the p 。″ ce. ー警察に突き出す hand ove 「 [deliver] (him) t0 the po/ice. 警察は彼を追っている The po/ice are [x is] on his track [after him] 帰らないと警察を呼ぶそげ you don ・ t leave, 聞 call [( 人に頼んで ) send for] the po/ice. けいさん計算名 calculation, 《書》 computa- tion; ( 算数の ) a sum. 計算尺 a slide 「 u 厄 . ー計算が速い [ 遅い , うまい , へ ただ ] quick 国 ow , good, P00 「 ] at ca/cu/a- tion [ca/cu/ating, sum, ( 数字 ) u 「 e 引 .- 頭の 中で計算をする ( = 暗算する ) do a sum in one's head. ー計算を間違える make mistakes in ca/- cu/ation [one's 5un15 ] ; miscalculate; mis- count. 彼の計算は正確だ [ 間違っている ] His ca/cu/a- [ / 0n5 [su ′刃引 are accurate [wrong]. 君の計算 ( = 計算の結果の数字 ) は私のと合って いる Your figures agree with mine. 計算する calculate, 《書》 compute, 《米やや話》 figure . out; ( ーっずつ数えて ) count. 一旅行の費用を計算する ca/cu/ate レ e 秋 on ( 叩 ) , 《米やや話》 figure out] the cost of the trip; ca/cu/ate [figure out] how much the cost 0f the trip will come t0. ーベージ数を計 算する count ( 叩 ) the number of the pages. ( その他の表現 ) それを計算 ( = 考慮 ) に入れるね々 e it into ac- count [cons / de 宿 0 司 . (☆この逆は /eave itout けいしや 427 account [ cons 宿″ 0 司 . 考慮 ) 彼は計算高く利己的な人だ He is a ca/cu/at- ing and selfish man. けいし軽視する【物事を重要視しない】 make light[( 書》 little]of .. ; take ... lightly; 【おろそか にする】 neglect; 【あまり注目しない】 not pay much attention to … ; 【過小評価する】《やや話》 play down. けいじ掲示名【公告 , ひら】 a notice; 【公の通知】 a bulletin; 【標識】 a sign. ー禁煙の掲示 a ・ No smoking" sign; a 5 倍 n of ・ No smoking. "ー掲 示板に掲示を出す put up [( 書》 post] a notice on a わ u ″《米》 [a notice 《英月 board. ドアの掲示に「外出中」と書いてある The notice on the d00 「 says [reads], 1 am out. " けいし刑事名 a (police) detective. 一部長刑 事 a detective sergeant. ー刑事事件 a crimi- nal に法律』 a penal] case. ー刑事訴訟 a crim- inal action ト uit ]. ー刑事訴訟法 the CriminaI Procedure Act. けいしき形式名【内容に対して】 ( a ) f 。「 m ; 【形式 はった行為】 a formality ( ◎ - ties ). ー形式主義 ( 宗教・芸術上の ) f 。「 ma ⅱ sm. ー形式主義者 a f0 「 ma ⅱ st. ー形式主語 [ 目的語 ] the forma/ sub- ject [object]. それは単に形式上のことだがやらないわけにはゆかな い lt's merely a matte 「 Of / 0 「 m , but we have tO dO it. そんなに形式ばるなよ Don't be so forma/. /Don ・ t stand on ceremony. 彼は形式にはかりこだわって中身がない He is 訓 「 m and no content. 形式的な形 f 。「 mal. ー形式的な儀礼 forma/ cou 「 tesy. 総理の演説は形式的なもの にすぎない The prime minister ・ s speech is only a [a me 「 e] / 0 「 ma 仇 /. けいしそうかん警視総監 the superintendent Gene 「 al()f the Metropolitan police). けいしちょう警視庁 the Tokyo Met 「 opolitan Police Department. けいしばん掲示板 a bulletin 《米》 [a notice 《英月 board. けいしや傾斜名【水平・垂直に対する】 a slant; 【道路なとの】 a slope; 【船の】 a list; 【勾 C ) 配】 an inclination. ( 傾き ) 1 《 ~ ( の願斜》屋根の傾斜 the s/ant [s/ope, inc/ination] Of a 「 00f. ー山の傾斜地 mountain 5 / bpes. ー急傾斜 a steep s/ope 新 cl / h / on ]. 2 《傾斜 + 名》傾斜角 an angle of inc/ina- n. ー傾斜度 a gradient, ( 米》 a grade. ー傾 斜面 a slope; an inclined plane. 3 《傾斜した》 slant(ing); sloping; inclined. ー 20 度に傾斜した坂 a slope Ⅳ / an inclina- ön 0 ー 20 deg 「 ees. ビー玉が傾斜した床の上を転がった The marble rolled down the s/anted 日「 . 傾斜する第 slant; slope, incline, 雪がすべり落らるように屋根は大きく傾斜している The 「 00f 詬 n な s/oped] sharply to let the snow run 0 仟 . 建築家は屋根を 40 度傾斜させた The archi-

5. The Mayflower Miracle: The Pilgrims' Own Story of the Founding of America

14 June 1620 1 July 1620 The Pilgrim Contract Some 0f the Pilgrims were angered by the amount 0f money which the investors demanded om the first financial returns of the intended settlement at Plymouth and argued that the new world they were building was one 0f equality being created for the community not the selfish individual. 'AII men are not 0f one condition' and 'he that is not contente his neighbour shall have good a house, fare, means, &c. him selfe, is not 0f a good qualitie'. The Pilgrims did not want selfish people either: 'Such retired persons, have an eie only tO them selves, are fitter tO come wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter tO live alone, then in any societie, either CiVill or religious . They agitated for a better deal than the investors ⅲ the contract. ・ 0 hazard is greater then theirs'. Although they d0 not urge or egg us on 'the motion & resolution has been always our selves' the Pilgrims still hoped for 'equall termes & conditions' claiming that they were men Of discretion & conscience, and SO fitte tO be trusted 供 selves with that'. ln this last minute soul-searching those few doubting PiIgrims were disappointed with those wh0 parted ways with them ⅲ H011and: 'As for them 0f Amsterdam I had thought they would soone have gone to Rome with us; for our libertie is tO them ratts bane, and their riggour bad t0 us the Spanish lnquision. Time continued t0 pass but still the ship had not sailed for EngIand. Robinson became angry with Weston complaining about 'the estate of thmgs hear, which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy by wante Of shiping'. The delays caused by Weston and others was now considered a scandal 'But that he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine means, and course, and the same known to us for it, or have taken Other order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused'. At last the PiIgrims finalized their contract with the investors, based 0 Ⅱ their assumed future activities predicting 'that the greatest part Of the CoIIonie is like tO be imployed constantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land & building houses, but upon fishing, trading'. This docu- ment was the basis Of the relationship between the EngIish investors (who they referre d t0 adventurers) and the Pilgrims (who were referred t0 the planters). The final contract was very much a commercial document demanding that the Pilgrims pay a high price for their New World. 1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at & 10 , and ten pounds tO be accounted a single share. 2. That he that goeth ⅲ person, and furnisheth him self out with & 10. either ⅲ money or Other provissions, be accounted haveing & 20 ⅲ stock, and ⅲ the deussion shall receive a double share. 41

6. ニューセンチュリー和英辞典

ししよく試食 sampling. ー試食会 a sampling 572 ししよう pa 「 ty. ー試食する sample. スーバーではソーセー ジの試食品がつまようじにさして配られた There newspaper [magazine]; ( 紙の上だけの ) on were samp/es Of the sausage given out on pape 「 . ー紙上の計画 a plan on [x in] paper; a toothpicks at the supe 「 market. ししよく辞職名 (a) resignation /rézignéiJan/. paper plan. ししよう史上 ( 歴史上 ) in history; ( 記録的な ) ー辞職願いを出す hand [send] in one's 「 es - 「 eco 「 d. ー史上最大のショー the greatest show nation. 辞職する resign /rizåin/, 《話》 quit. in わ併 /. ー史上空前の収穫 a record [an un- 彼は辞職した He resigned ( ″ om ) [quit] his precedented] c 「 op. job. /He resigned [quit]. ししよう詩情 poeticsentiment. ー詩情豊かな人 内閣は総辞職した AII the members of the a person full ofpoetic sentiment. Cabinetresigned. /《書》 The Cabinet resigned ししよう私情 one's personal feelings. ー私情を en bloc / 。 : り b に k /. ( ☆「内閣総辞職」は the 交える b 「 ing one's personal fee/ings 0 0 》 . 私情に左右される be influenced by one ・ s per- gene 「 alreslgnation 0f the Cabinet) 彼は議長を辞職した He resigned (his post) ぉ sona/ fee/ings. ししよう自称 ( 自分で勝手に名乗る ) self-styled; chairman. ししよでん自叙伝 an äutobiögraphy. ーバートラ ( 見せかけの ) wou 旧 - . ンド・ラッセル自叙伝《書名》 The ス 0 わ / Og - 彼は自称音楽家だ He is ase/f-sty/ed [ase/f- phy 0 / Bertrand Russe ″ . ( ☆書名はイタリック体 proc/aimed] musician. / ( 自称している ) He 立 / / és [proc/aims, ca ″引 himself a musician. で ) ししよばこ私書箱 a Post-Office Box 《略 p. O. ( ☆最初の二つはやや堅い語 ) / ( 通例偽って ) He represents himself お [tO be] a musician. Box, POB 》 . ー中央郵便局私書箱 1 50 号に送る ししよう事情罔①【様子】 ( 周囲の境遇 ) cir- send (it) t0 Chuo p. 0. 80X 150. ししん指針名①【指標】 a guide; ( 指導原理 ) a cumstances, ( 事の状態 ) a situation, condi- guiding principle. 宗教は時には人生の指針と tions (ksituation より身近なものについて用いる ) ; なる ReIigion is sometimes a guide [ 0 [a guid- ( 漠然とした事態 ) affairs, matte 「 s, things; ( 場 ing princip/e in] ou 「 life. - 合 ) a case. ②【計器の針】速度計の指針 an indicator [a 1 《 ~ 事情》国内 [ 国際 ; 海外 ] 事情 domes- po [ e 「 , a need/e] Of a speedometer /spi- tic [international; foreign] a . ー食料 [ 住 dåmita 村 . ー磁石の指針 a compass need/e. 宅 ] 事情 the food [housing] ua ″ on. ししん私心【利己心】 selfishness; 【利己的動機】 交通事情はよくなりつつある Traffic conditions a selfish motive. ー私心、のない人 an unse/fish [a are getting better [improving] disinterested] person. 2 《事情 + 罔》政界の事情通 a person well- ししん詩人名 a p 。 et. ー女流詩人 a woman informed on [about, x 0f] political a ″å . poet. ( ☆特に女性を強調する場合以外は poet だ 3 《事情が》そのことがあってから事情が変わっ けで表わす . poetess は避ける ) ーロマン派の詩人 a た Since that happened, / h have changed. Romantic poe [. ー詩人肌である be something 事情があって彼はやむなく退職した He was forced by clrcumstances tO quit his jOb. 0f a poet. ししん自信名 (self-)confidence. 4 く事情の》事情の許す限り as far as circum- 1 《自信 + 名》自信過剰である be overconfi- stances permit. その事情のもとで彼はできるだけ dent. ー自信満々 [ たつぶり ] である have a lot 0f のことはした He did everything he could do confidence; be full 0f confidence; be really unde 「 the 0 「 cu 〃 15 ね nces. [( 話》「 e 調 confident. 5 《事情に》彼は中国の事情に明るい He is 彼は大変な自信家である He ・ s quite a confi- well-info 「 med ( → uninformed) on [about] dent pe 「 son. / 《軽蔑的》 He's very sure 0 / Chinese a . 6 《事情を》私に事情を皆話してくれ Tell me himse/f. 2 《自信が》答えに ) 自信がありますか ( = 確か all the circumstances. ですか ) Are you 「 e ( 0 ー the answer)? 7 《事情で》やむを得ない事情で because of 彼は試験に受かる自信がある He issure [confi- unavoidable C 耘 cu 〃 15 ね nces. dent] 0 / passing the test. /He is su 肥 [confi- こういう事情でごいっしよできません Such being the case [Under these circumstances],l can't dent] (that) he will pass the test. (kHe is su 肥 [ 0 pass the test. とすると第三者から見て come with you. ②【理由】「 eas 。 n ( s ). 一家庭の [ 言われめ ] 事情で 「彼はきっと受かる」の意味になる ) fO 「 family [some secret] 「 easons. この計算 ( の正確さ ) には自信がない一 have no ししよう自乗名【平方 , 2 乗】 a square. - 自乗 confidence in the accuracy Of this account. ( ☆日本語では「の正確さ」を省いても文は成り立 根 a square 「 00t. ー 5 を自乗する square five; つが , 英語では the accuracy of を省くことはできな mu/tip/y five by / な e ″ . 3 の自乗は 9 です The square 0f three is nine. /Three squared is い . 同様に「よい英語を書く自信がある」は have [makes] nine. confidence one's a わ / 仇 / tO write good Eng- ししようしや死傷者 casualties. ( ☆通例複数形 lish となる ) その事故で 1 0 人の死傷者が出た There 私は足 [ テニスの腕 ] には自信がある lam a good で ) walker [tennis player]. were ten casua/ties in the accident. 一し

7. Environmental Economics and Policy

204 劭叩 r 月召わ市″秀 Fo 〃わ″ gone tO a few; now wealthy, individuals and corporations rather than tO the government t0 be used for the alleviation of poverty or other worthy social objectives. Because forest concessions are typically awarded for limited terms„the ℃ oncession hOld- ers have little incentive tO replant, tO exercise care in theirlogging_ procedures, or even tO 、 conserve younger trees until they reach the efficient harvest age. The future value of the for- est will not be theirs tocaptureIThe resulting logging practices destroy a multiple of the nub- mer Of trees represented by the high-value species because of the destruction of surrounding species by the construction Of access roads, the felling and dragging Of the trees, and the elim- ination Of the protective canopy. Although sustainable forestry would be possible for many of these nations, concession agreements such as these make it unlikely. 7 The list of losers from inefficient forestry practices frequently includes indigenous peo- ples wh0 have lived in and derived their livelihood from these forests for a very long time. As the loggers and squatters push deeper and deeper into forests, the indigenous pe 叩厄, who lack the power to stem the tide, are forced to relocate farther and farther away from their tra- ditional lands. Perverse lncentives for N 黼 0n5 Another source Of deforestation involves external costs that transcend national borders. Because the costs transcend national borders, it is unrealistic tO expect national policy to solve the problem. Some international action would normally be necessary. Bi0diversity. Because of species extinction, the diversity of the forms of life that inhabit the planet is diminishing at an unprecedented rate. The extinction Of species is an irreversible 8Norman Meyers, The 怦 / 襯砿彑 So ″尾 2. ・叩た s なイ 0 ″ル尾 (New York: W. w. Norton, 1984 ) : 50. regenerate the types Of trees included in the harvest. tO penetrate, SO changes the growing conditions and the nutrient levels of the soil that even replanting is unlikely to yet learned hOW tO regenerate the species in a harvested area. Destroying the thick can 叩 y, thereby allowing the light 7Currently, foresters believe that the sustainable yield for closed tropical rain forests is zero, because they have not carbon dioxide, a major greenhouse gas, deforestation eliminates a potentially significant 90b Warming. Deforestation also contributes to global warming. Because trees absorb by deforestation's deleterious effect on habitats. derived from substances found in tropical plants. Future discoveries, however, are threatened 0f some entirely new foods. ApproximateIy one quarter of all prescription drugs have been increase disease resistance Of cash crops such as C()ffee and and they have been the source useful source of donor genes. Tropical forests have already contributed genetic material to enhanced resistance tO disease or pests. But the gene P001 must be diverse if it is to serve as a genes from one species intO another, creating species With new characteristics such as this biodiversity represents. MOdern techniques now make it possible to transplant desirable cisely the moment in history when we would be most able to take advantage of the gene P001 One Of the tragic ironies of the situation is that these extinctions are occurring at pre- region is unmatched anywhere else on the planet. the tropical biome. "8 The quantity of bird, fish, plant, and insect life that is unique to that ticular, Amazonia has been characterized by Norman Myers as the "single richest region of source Of species extinction, because it destroys the most biologically active habitats. ln par- process. Deforestation, particularly the destruction Of the tropical rain forests, is a major

8. The Mayflower Miracle: The Pilgrims' Own Story of the Founding of America

became one 0f the leading Christian groups ⅲ the regon. The con- gregation was free 0f factionalism, while R0binson himself gained a reputation for his relatively broad views and human sympathy. They obtained work and earned their daily bread ⅲ a variety Of occupations: Bradford worked with a silk manufacturer; Brewster worked a printer; and others, wh0 had taken their own looms with them, were employed weavers. Bradford attributed their success t0 R0binson and Brewster: 'Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued many years ⅲ a comfortable condition, injoymg much sweete & delightefull societie & spirituall comforte togeather ⅲ the wayes 0f G0d, under the able ministrie , and prudente governmente Of Mr. J0hn R0b inson, & Mr. William Brewster, whO was an assistante untO him ⅲ the place Of an EIder, unto which he was now called & chosen by the church. SO they grew ⅲ knowledge & other gifts & graces 0f the spirite 0f G0d, & lived togeather ⅲ peace, & love, and holines; and many came untO them from diverse p 0f England, SO they grew a great congregation . Throughout the next decade the congregation grew until there were about three hundred communicants', with the number Of converts increasing annually from the Protestant French-speaking Walloons and other refugee groups. As with any puritanical group there were Of course ideological conflicts with which 仕 om time tO time they had t0 deal: 'the church purged 0f those that were incurable & incorrigible, When, after much partience used, no Other means would serve, WhiCh seldom came tO pass'. That this did not have tO happen was due tO the brilliant leadership 0f R0binson, Bradford claims: 'such was the mutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that this worthy man had t0 his flocke, and his flocke t0 him', and ⅲ fact 'it was hard t0 judge wheather he delighted more ⅲ haveing shuch a people, or they ⅲ haveing such a pastor'. Even at this stage the Pilgrim church demanded a high level 0f community commitment; Robinson was angered by the more selfish members 0f the congregation: 'And none did more offend him then those that were close and cleaving t0 them selves, and retired from the commone good'. During their time ⅲ Leyden the Pilgrims lived ⅲ the south-western part 0f the city near St. Peter's Church (Pieterskerk), congregating ⅲ the large open marketplace where they bought their f00d supplies and discussed the religious and political issues 0f the d . R0binson, 0f course, spent much Of his time at the UniversitY Of Leyden where the popularity 0f his lectures kept him ⅲ constant demand. The printer and religious E lder William Brewster live d ⅲ SmellY Alley (Stincksteeg). Two years after arrivmg ⅲ Leyden, the Pilgrims bought a large house ⅲ 1611 Bell Alley (KIooksteeg), off St. Peter's Square, t0 use a headquarters for meetings 0f the congregation. This meeting house, called the Green 29 Ⅳん the freedom the PiIgrims e 尾 able ors ん加えれ such c んレ尾ん es as St. PeteRs.

9. Environmental Economics and Policy

T ん 0 151 electrical power source for electric vehicles. Hydrogen fuel cells power the NASA space shut- tle's electrical systems, producing a clean byproduct—pure water, which the crew drinks. Although fuel cells would ideally run off pure hydrogen, in the near term they may be fueled by hydrogen that comes from natural gas, methanol, or even gasoline. AIthough using these fossil fuels as feedstocks results in more pollution than pure hydrogen fuel cells, reforming these fuels to create hydrogen would allow the use of much of our current energy infrastructure—gas stations, natural gas pipelines, etc. —while fuel cells are phased in. Consumer acceptance iS an important ingredient in the transition to any alternative source Of energy. New systems are usually less reliable and more expensive than 01d sys- tems. Once they become heavily used, their reliability normally increases and cost declines; experience iS a good teacher. Because the early consumers, the pioneers, experience both lower reliability and higher costs, procrastination can be an optimal individual strategy. If every consumer procrastinates about switching, however, the industry will not be able to operate at a sufficient scale and will not be able to gain enough experience to produce the reliability and lower cost that will assure a large, stable market. How can this initial con- sumer reluctance be overcome? One strategy, the one used in the United States, involves using tax dollars to subsidize pur- chases by the pioneers. Once the market is sufficiently large that it can begin to take advantage Of economies Of scale and can eliminate the initial sources 0f unreliability, the subsidies can be eliminated. The available empirical evidence suggests that the tax-credit approach has signifi- cantly increased the degree of market penetration of solar equipment in the United states. 12 ln the United States, substantial tax credits authorized at both the federal and the state levels were influential in inducing a number of independent producers to accept the financial and engineering risks associated with devel 叩 ing wind power. AIthough the original federal tax credits expired in 1985 , a 1.5 cents per kilowatt-hour production incentive for producers Of wind-power-generated electricity was implemented in 1992. Since then it has expired only to be reinstated several times. ln contrast with the on-again, off-again nature of the U. S. subsidies, European nations have been steadily increasing the for encouraging wind power. As a result, Europe is expected to dominate the production of wind power by the beginning of the twenty-first century. England, Denmark, Germany, and the Netherlands are expected to lead the way. An alternative approach would involve removing inefficient subsidies in order tO create a level playing field for sustainable energy sources. Typical subsidies take many forms. Govern- ments currently subsidize the production Of some fuels through tax breaks or, in the case of nuclear energy, they absorb a significant portion of the cost of liability for accidents (thereby significantly lowering insurance premiums). They also subsidize the research and develop- ment costs associated with the future use of these fuels. ln the sense that subsidies create an uneven playing field, uninternalized externalities act like a subsidy as well. Since these costs are not born by the producer, this creates a bias toward polluting sources and away from less polluting sources. Since energy is a maJor source 12Catherine A. Durham, Bonnie G. Colby, and Molly Longstreth, "The lmpact of State Tax Credits and Energy prices on Adoption 0f S01ar Energy Systems, ”んれ Eco れ 0 襯活 64 (November 1988 ) : 347 ー 55 ; Gene R. Fry, 'The Economics of Home SoIar Water Heating and the RoIe of SoIar Tax Credits, ”んれイ Eco れ om 活 62 (May 1986 ) : 134 ー 44

10. Environmental Economics and Policy

452 劭叩 r 幻 The Quest ん S 加 D 叩襯 e ViSion Of the future iS defined in terms Of specific limits on emissions, not on correcting price distortions. lt would be very difficult tO establish a set 0f tax rates that could guarantee a spe- CiflC emissions target. If international agreements were tO proceed by establishing glObal limits for greenhouse gases (the 叩 proach taken for ozone-depleting gases), allocating the proposed reductions among the nations Of the world would be one Of the most difficult aspects Of this alternative approach. Fairness will no doubt be one critical aspect Of the negotiations, and it is likely that some form Of cost-sharing will result. HOW are the costs t0 be shared? Recall our discussion Of transferable carbon-emission rights. Emissions trading becomes a reasonable approach for implementing the cost-effectiveness principle while providing opportunities for cost-sharing. The process Of establishing emissions trading in greenhouse gases would be initiated by setting transferable limits on the amounts each nation could emit on an annual basis. Nations achieving reductions greater than those required by the agree- ment could receive transferable ERCs that could be sold t0 other nations. By purchasing these credits, the acquiring nation could increase its quota by the amount covered by the ERCs. An international market in ERCs would facilitate the movement of credits from those countries with the c 叩 acity tO create them most cheaply tO those countries faced by very high costs Of additional control. The capacity tO achieve cost-effectiveness regardless Of hOW the initial emission allowances are allocated iS a significant attribute Of an emissions-trading 叩 proach that could be exploited for developing a market approach t0 cost-sharing. With emissions trading as the strategy Of choice, those forging new international agreements would have a very large latitude in attempting to establish emission limitations that are fair and politically feasible without jeopardizing cost-effectiveness. the Western nations acquired by purchase the necessary production allowances at market prices from those nations selling them, significant financial transfers would take place. The size of these trans- fers would be dictated by market forces, not by negotiation. The Property-Rights PrincipIe. Part of the evident loss of efficiency in modern environmen- tal problems involves misspecified property rights, which create perverse incentives. Accord- ing tO the 〃 r 叩イんな principle, local communities should have a pr 叩 erty right over flora and fauna within their border. This pr 叩 erty right would entitle the localcommunity to share in any benefits created by preserving the species. Assuring that local property rights over genetic resources are defined and respected would give local communities a much larger stake in some 0f the global benefits to be derived from the use of those resources and would enhance the prospects for effective enforcement. RecalI our discussion of the problem of stemming the decline in the elephant population. lnsofar as permitted by the migratory nature of the herd, the property-rights principle would confer the right tO harvest a fixed number of elephants upon the indigenous peoples who lives in the elephant's native habitat. Ownership of harvesting rights and the possibility of contin- ued employment as long as the herd was preserved would assure an income to the local com- munity, giving it a stake in preserving the herd. Preventing poaching would become easier, because poachers would become a threat to the local community, not merely a threat to a dis- tant national government that inspires little allegiance. A somewhat related application of the property-rights principle could provide an addi- tional means 0f resolving the diminishing supply of biologically rich tropical rain forests. One Of the arguments for preserving biodiversity is that it offers a valuable gene pool for the